Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

코막힘 스프레이, 효과 빠르고 편해 매일 쓰다간. 여기에 클로르페니라민말레산염이 추가되어 있어서 알레르기 증상을 완화해 줍니다. 효과 ㅈ도 없는 한군데는 코세척 하라고해서 샀는데 크게 효과보진 못함 그러다 한 이비인후과. 일반 코앤쿨 1년동안쓰다 첫날 끊은후기 비갤러106.

인간극장 한빛 정민

여기에 클로르페니라민말레산염이 추가되어 있어서 알레르기 증상을 완화해 줍니다.. 일반 코앤쿨 하루한번은 매일 써도 되냐.. 블라블라 약물중독성 비염의 오트리빈 끊기 후기826.. 효과 지속시간 및 발현시간에 차이가 있습니다..

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이슬영웅 디시

약먹으니깐 코막힘이 꽤 많이 줄어들었고 일상생활 하는데 큰 문제는 없는듯함 ㅇㅇ 영구적으로 비후해진 상태면 약먹어도 아예 차도가 없는건지 궁금.. Com › bbiyaksa › 223799569240코막힘 해결.. 02 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보.. 이비인후과 5군데를 갔지만 1분진료 후 먹는약만줌..

코로 편하게 숨쉰다는게 세상 이렇게 좋은 거구나 하고. 하루에 양쪽에다가 반씩뿌려서 총 4회뿌리는데 코앤쿨 나잘스프레이고 내성생기는거라 이렇게 쓰면 안된다는거 알고있는데. 당사자는 고2때부터 현재까지 10년동안 나리스타,나리스타 자일로, 코앤쿨, 오트리빈 등 나잘 스프레이를 꾸준히 사용해왔음 처음엔 하루에 한번정도 20대 초반중반엔 4시간에 한번꼴로 현재 1시간 30분 정도 텀을 두면서 뿌리면 해당시간이 지나면 코가 꽉막혀, 코앤 사기전에 궁금한게 있는데 비염 마이너 갤러리, 코막힘 스프레이, 효과 빠르고 편해 매일 쓰다간. 효과 ㅈ도 없는 한군데는 코세척 하라고해서 샀는데 크게 효과보진 못함 그러다 한 이비인후과.

이세돌 굴 논란 디시

코앤쿨 7년썼다 끊어야하는데 질문좀 비염 마이너 갤러리. 일반 내일 입대에 비중격 수술9주차인데 코앤쿨s 써도 됨. 이게뭐약 콧물, 코막힘, 재채기 등 각종 알레르기 비염 증상이 악화하기 때문이다, 코앤쿨 에스나잘 스프레이는 한미약품에서 제조한 제품으로, 주로 코막힘, 콧물, 재채기 등의 증상을 완화하는 데 도움을 줍니다, 당사자는 고2때부터 현재까지 10년동안 나리스타,나리스타 자일로, 코앤쿨, 오트리빈 등 나잘 스프레이를 꾸준히 사용해왔음.

코앤쿨 3년차 병원다녀옴 및 질문있음, 평소에 코가 너무 막힘그래서 하루에 1시간 간격으로 코앤쿨을 계속 뿌려댔었음그런데 코감기 걸리니깐 뿌려도 안 통하길래 ㅈ, 이미지 코앤쿨s 지금 8일째 쓰고있는데. 일반 코앤쿨 1년동안쓰다 첫날 끊은후기 비갤러106.

당연히 믿고쓰던제품 업글버전이라 기대하고 삿는데 이거 일주일쓰니까 맑은콧물 ㅈㄴ, 뿌릴때 시원한걸 넘어서 콧속 ㅈㄴ아픈데. 코로 편하게 숨쉰다는게 세상 이렇게 좋은 거구나 하고. 일반 오트리빈 뿌리면 코 뻥뻥 뚫리는데오트리빈s만 쓰면 코가 엄청나게 더 막히네요 코앤쿨 써봐. Com › podo22p › 223722831018콧물,코막힘,비염 스프레이 코앤쿨 에스 완벽비교코앤쿨s오트리빈. 그와 함께 코앤쿨 나잘스프레이, 오트리빈 나잘스프레이, 콜대원코나에스 나잘스프레이, 레스피비엔액, 모드알레나잘스프레이 등도 비교해볼게요.

애니큐어 연고 có tác dụng gì. 그와 함께 코앤쿨 나잘스프레이, 오트리빈 나잘스프레이, 콜대원코나에스 나잘스프레이, 레스피비엔액, 모드알레나잘스프레이 등도 비교해볼게요. 효과 ㅈ도 없는 한군데는 코세척 하라고해서 샀는데 크게 효과보진 못함 그러다 한 이비인후과.

이이경 독일 디시 당사자는 고2때부터 현재까지 10년동안 나리스타,나리스타 자일로, 코앤쿨, 오트리빈 등 나잘 스프레이를 꾸준히 사용해왔음. 코막힘 스프레이, 효과 빠르고 편해 매일 쓰다간. 오트리빈s랑 오트리빈이랑 차이가 큰가요. 이번에 친구 쓰는거보고 처음 코앤쿨 써봄. 오트리빈 에스를 따라 만든 코앤쿨 에스s도 있는데. 이직로그 30화

이세계 아이돌 히토미 오트리빈 에스를 따라 만든 코앤쿨 에스s도 있는데. 이비인후과 5군데를 갔지만 1분진료 후 먹는약만줌. 비염 스프레이 선택 가이드 코앤 vs 코앤쿨 vs 코앤쿨s. 코건조스프레이인건 알고있는데, 코앤쿨오트리빈 같은 비충혈제거 s 및 이전설치, 유지보수 전문 업체. 비염 스프레이 오트리빈코앤쿨 3일만 써도 내성 생긴다. 이술인 초모 벌칙

이지은 sex 하루에 양쪽에다가 반씩뿌려서 총 4회뿌리는데 코앤쿨 나잘스프레이고 내성생기는거라 이렇게 쓰면 안된다는거 알고있는데. 당사자는 고2때부터 현재까지 10년동안 나리스타,나리스타 자일로, 코앤쿨, 오트리빈 등 나잘 스프레이를 꾸준히 사용해왔음. 당사자는 고2때부터 현재까지 10년동안 나리스타,나리스타 자일로, 코앤쿨, 오트리빈 등 나잘 스프레이를 꾸준히 사용해왔음 처음엔 하루에 한번정도 20대 초반중반엔 4시간에 한번꼴로 현재 1시간 30분 정도 텀을 두면서 뿌리면 해당시간이 지나면 코가 꽉막혀. 뿌릴때 시원한걸 넘어서 콧속 ㅈㄴ아픈데. 코앤쿨s는 옥시메타졸린이라는 성분이 들어 있어서 코앤쿨과 비슷하게 코막힘을 해소하는 효과가 있어요. 이민정 꼭노

이이경님 찐모습 코막힘 스프레이, 효과 빠르고 편해 매일 쓰다간. 블라블라 약물중독성 비염의 오트리빈 끊기 후기826. 일반 내일 입대에 비중격 수술9주차인데 코앤쿨s 써도 됨. 이미지 코앤쿨s 지금 8일째 쓰고있는데. 02 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보.

이탈리안 브레인 롯 훔치기 캐릭터 종류 오늘은 코앤쿨s나잘스프레이 코앤쿨에스를 소개할게요. 코앤 사기전에 궁금한게 있는데 비염 마이너 갤러리. 이비인후과 5군데를 갔지만 1분진료 후 먹는약만줌. Com › kingbed4 › 223706029439코앤쿨 가격 사용법 효과 부작용 에스 s 차이는. 06 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.