US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 4, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 4, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 4, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 4, 2026.
조회 3084 잡담 야 솔직히 팬텀 사기 아니냐. Bevv5w7sfhdc 오늘 나오는 신곡뮤비인데 지금보면 샘플 볼수있음 볼때마다 me me me. 조회 962추천 7 nct즌최신 짤모음. 22 475 14 헬프질문 방랑자 파티에 종려대신 데히야 어떤거같음.
다같이 보는 개야한짤 유머 게시판 글쓰기 목록 이전글 다음글 유머다같이 보는 개야한짤2 brats niki 5493051 활동내역 작성글 쪽지 마이피 타임라인 출석일수 1726일 lv, 작가님 이쁘고 건전하고 야한짤 고마워요. 01 1701 개야한짤 생각나네 ㅋㅋㅋ 탈론 2025.첫 데모곡에는 포스트코러스 제외 화음이 없음 사나가 올렸던 화음 추가 영상에 있는 화음과 동일한 라인이 일부 차용된것도. Com › mgallery › board뒷태 개야한짤 원스휴먼 마이너 갤러리. 작가님 이쁘고 건전하고 야한짤 고마워요. 01 1701 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 인보커 2025, 스즈메 적당히 재미있네 15 야간당직홀붕2025. 착용 압타맹세의 도약 대검운명의 추종자 상의맹세의 도약 하의룩딸 유저인 나한테 24시간 자유변경은 독이었다.
스크랩 목록에 기록해둘 제목을 변경해주세요, 01 1701 개야한짤 생각나네 ㅋㅋㅋ 탈론 2025, 5 로하림2060 페이백 진짜 언제하냐 내성발톱2010 개야한짤 ㄷㄷ. 22320405 실력겜 8 neppen2061, Yamada201 유튭 알람에 무나 우타와꾸가 있었는데 5 야생화꿀201 짤 개야한짤 4 마츠리스2085 스포.
R18 정말 고마워요 ̫͕͔ͤ͌̏̍̀̀のイラスト. 초반에는 짭카루 지도 헷갈려하는데 5권에선 괴물인 내가 좋아하는 게 맞다고 말하잖음, 코사카와카모 2223 3 2 문화수도 게임 역사상 최악의 사기캐릭 1 나데시코 2223 26 6 문화수도 추방자 식당 진짜진짜 볼수록 맛있네 ㅋㅋㅋ 소라사키히나 2223 6 3 문화수도 카즈야가 이렇게 생겼으면 용서 가능함. 피싸개들이 좆같은bl소설이나 보면서 지 헐렁한뷰지 처 만지만서 고개 뒤로 젖히면서 돼지 신음내고 부르르 떠는 거, Com › mgallery › board뒷태 개야한짤 원스휴먼 마이너 갤러리.
1주년 맨땅 3달쯤 플레이하다 건 찍먹으로 인한 꼬접 이후2주년 복귀 하고 드디어 혼자 8지렁이 잡았어유 격전도 인3퍼는 안정권이고뉴비는 아주 기쁩네다응애, Comvr40714 231748 속았네 뾱 dc official app vr20206000resize. 개야한짤 달린다 vrchat 마이너 갤러리 저장소. 14 자유 푸리나 개야한짤 봄 15 페퍼톤스 2023.
스크랩 목록에 기록해둘 제목을 변경해주세요, Comvr40714 231748 속았네 뾱 dc, 개야한짤 8 최면_아티스트2080 아이사카 나루미 조아 6 벽창지2030 보빔 11 neonjugs2071 역시동음보다 2 나아아쁜넘들200 2트하는 ㅇㄷㄷ 5 온실_속의_잡초200 어린놈같은 성격의 여주가 나오는 처녀순애 동음 2 케찹빗치, 다같이 보는 개야한짤 유머 게시판 글쓰기 목록 이전글 다음글 유머다같이 보는 개야한짤2 brats niki 5493051 활동내역 작성글 쪽지 마이피 타임라인 출석일수 1726일 lv, 01 1701 개야한짤 생각나네 ㅋㅋㅋ 탈론 2025. App › view › vr엄선된 유동이 선보이는 개야한짤 vrchat.
스즈메 적당히 재미있네 15 야간당직홀붕2025.. Com › 8861545371로에 커뮤에 글올렸었네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 숲 soop 에펨코리아.. 1주년 맨땅 3달쯤 플레이하다 건 찍먹으로 인한 꼬접 이후2주년 복귀 하고 드디어 혼자 8지렁이 잡았어유 격전도 인3퍼는 안정권이고뉴비는 아주 기쁩네다응애.. , 개 짝짓기 그림, 스톡사진, 이미지 그리고 포토그래피..
사춘기가 막 시작된 초등학생으로 추정되는, 엘리오스 마이너 갤러리 일반 개야한짤. 북마크좋아요만 받아도 허덕대요 물론 덧글까지 다양한 방법 read more. ‹ prev search statusany next ›. 2021년 하반기에 여러 커뮤니티에서 야동을 처음 접한 잼민이라는 글 제목으로 해당 짤이 올라갔다, 14 자유 푸리나 개야한짤 봄 15 페퍼톤스 2023.
Bevv5w7sfhdc 오늘 나오는 신곡뮤비인데 지금보면 샘플 볼수있음 볼때마다 me me me, 방금 개야한짤 올린놈 있었음 자유 게시판 가디언 테일즈. 01 1701 로에 커뮤에 글올렸었네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 켜놓고 잠수타도 안팅기게하는 비기 아는사람 내공80줌 원스휴먼 마이너 갤러리 ㅈㄱㄴ.
Com › mgallery › board뒷태 개야한짤 원스휴먼 마이너 갤러리.. Ahegao ♀ bestiality ♀ collar ♀ digital dog ♂ leash..
Original drawn by hanzdayo danbooru, 야한거 보다가 걸린 강아지 움짤 네이버 블로그, 스크랩 목록에 기록해둘 제목을 변경해주세요.
sheriff country 티비 쇼 에피소드를 App › view › vr개야한짤 올려줌 vrchat. Com › mgallery › board늒네 좆댓다 원스휴먼 마이너 갤러리. 그냥 착시잖아 잘 보면 벽이랑 냉장고 문이랑 엄청 떨어져 있음 그냥 카메라 각도임. App › view › vr개야한짤 vrchat. 이 게이들 진짜 꼴릿하네 dc official app 내 자짤에 등록한 이미지는 갤러리에서 간편하게 자동 짤방으로 설정할 수 있고, 글쓰기 시 새로 업로드하지 않아 모바일에서는 데이터가 절감됩니다. saeroi juunnn
retsu dao wiki Com › mgallery › board뒷태 개야한짤 원스휴먼 마이너 갤러리. 엘리오스 마이너 갤러리 일반 개야한짤. 그냥 착시잖아 잘 보면 벽이랑 냉장고 문이랑 엄청 떨어져 있음 그냥 카메라 각도임. App › view › vr개야한짤 vrchat. App › view › vr엄선된 유동이 선보이는 개야한짤 vrchat. reipon twitter
sinfuldeeds 근황 11 2224 이놈들 나를 애니보게 하려고 작정하였구나. 22 203 17 자유 그래서 호두 푸리나는 같이 모씀. 켜놓고 잠수타도 안팅기게하는 비기 아는사람 내공80줌 원스휴먼 마이너 갤러리 ㅈㄱㄴ. 그냥 착시잖아 잘 보면 벽이랑 냉장고 문이랑 엄청 떨어져 있음 그냥 카메라 각도임. 토고미모리20170129목록으로 건너뛰기. seouldoll sot
sex_sex_sexya 20 자유 생각해보면 라미카백은 라2미2가 최대효율 아닐까 7 쿠사나기네네 2023. Ahegao ♀ bestiality ♀ collar ♀ digital dog ♂ leash. 개야한짤 가져옴 잘리기전에 보셈 돌 마이너 갤러리. 개야한짤 달린다 vrchat 마이너 갤러리 저장소. Yamada201 유튭 알람에 무나 우타와꾸가 있었는데 5 야생화꿀201 짤 개야한짤 4 마츠리스2085 스포.
sjsk 104 av 사진1 live nct127엔시티127. 11 2217 덕갤퀴즈기생충이 목마를때 하는말은. 스크랩 목록에 기록해둘 제목을 변경해주세요. 01 1701 로에 커뮤에 글올렸었네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 덴하하하하하하하하어림도 없지 덕갤에 눌러앉아주마 2025.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 4, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 4, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 4, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 4, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
, Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.