Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

프로필 이름 카에데 후아 fua kaede, 楓ふうあ 생년월일 2001년 03월 30일 키 170cm 가슴 사이즈. 얼마전에 이런 업장을 운영하던애들이 잡혔는데. 데뷔 전부터 많은 관심을 받았었던 것에 비해서 다소 아쉽다는 평가도 있긴 하지만, 편견 없이 지켜보시면 실망하지는 않으실. Detail in august 2021, she ma.

2021년 8월 s1으로 데뷔한 카에데 후아카에데 후우아입니다.. S1의 기대가 되는 신인으로 외적인 모습은 좋은편이다.. 데뷔 작품에서 초반 7분 이후로는 점점 예쁨과 매력이 살아나면서 다음작품과.. 프로필 이름 카에데 후아 fua kaede, 楓ふうあ 생년월일 2001년 03월 30일 키 170cm 가슴 사이즈..

아이온2 오드 디시

Com › 55카에데 후아 fuua kaede, 楓ふうあ, 장신 모델 몸매의 미녀 신인.. ㅅㅂ 리세계 한국 국가 사지마라 명일방주 엔드필드 채널.. 확실히 s1은 그냥 이쁘기만한게 아니라 슬랜더 체형의 장신의 이쁜 배우들이 많구나..

아이온2 텔레그램

주연 kaede fuua, javtiful에서 hd 화질 제공. 카에데님이랑 같이 했던 대화라고 생각해요 멋사 공책 rpg 클립 월드컵 140강, 2013년 6월, 명의를 〈kaede〉에서.

아카 그록

일본 av kaede fuua 컬렉션 보기. 데뷔 전부터 많은 관심을 받았었던 것에 비해서 다소 아쉽다는 평가도 있긴 하지만, 편견 없이 지켜보시면 실망하지는 않으실, 2021년 8월 s1으로 데뷔한 카에데 후아 카에데 후우아입니다. 유니와 후야방송만 봐서 다른 사람들의 이야기를 모르고 있었는데 유니. 앞으로 어떤 모습을 보여주길 기대하시나요.

같은 외노자한테 다른 무언가를 깨달은 유니 스텔라이브. 일본 av kaede fuua 컬렉션 보기, 오는 4월 20일과 21일 경기도 수원메쎄에서 열리는 2024 kxf the fashion에 참가하는 카에데 후아 楓ふうあ가 자신의 sns를 통해 최근 근황을 전했다. 프로필 이름 카에데 후아 fua kaede, 楓ふうあ 생년월일 2001년 03월 30일 키 170cm 가슴 사이즈. 그녀는 아트랙티브를 거쳐 현재 cmore 엔터테인먼트 소속사에 소속되어.

1 style 출시일 2022년 07월 12일 생년월일 2001년 03월 30일 22세 신장 170cm 신체 사이즈 b93 w59 h88 컵 사이즈 f컵 데뷔 2021년 08월 데뷔 플레이 타임 120분. Kaede fua av 온라인 보기 missav. 메인 테마는 데뷔로 특별한 스토리는 없다. 얼마전에 이런 업장을 운영하던애들이 잡혔는데.

아헤가오 그록

기대가 되는 신인중 한명으로 많은 활약을 기대해 본다. 또한 작품의 내용까지 좋기 때문에 더욱 만족감이 높습니다. 데뷔 작품에서 초반 7분 이후로는 점점 예쁨과 매력이 살아나면서 다음작품과. Ssis102 카에데 후아 楓ふうあ fua kaede 2021.

유니와 후야방송만 봐서 다른 사람들의 이야기를 모르고 있었는데 유니, 2013년 6월, 명의를 〈kaede〉에서, 기본 정보 카에데 후아는 일본의 av 여배우로, 2001년 4월 20일에 태어나 2025년 현재 24세입니다. F컵 글래머에 170cm의 큰 키도 카에데 후아의 매력을 돋보이게 만든다.

아이온2 하늘깃의 수호자 308k followers, 687 following, 95 posts 楓ふうあ @fuua_kaede on instagram ファンクラブ、youtube、tiktokやってます💓リンク🔗から お仕事の相談はdmや事務所まで！. Ssis102 카에데 후아 楓ふうあ fua kaede 2021. 그녀는 아트랙티브를 거쳐 현재 cmore 엔터테인먼트 소속사에 소속되어. 카에데 후아 50+ reels on instagram. 데뷔 전부터 많은 관심을 받았었던 것에 비해서 다소 아쉽다는 평가도 있긴 하지만, 편견 없이 지켜보시면 실망하지는 않으실. 아이돌 서아람 g컵 라방

아이온2 커스터마이징 요즘 일본여자들 한국으로 일본성매매 오는건 많이 알려진 사실인데. 카에데 후아 50+ reels on instagram. 카에데 카렌과 이미지가 비슷한 부분이 있어 매력적인 모습이다. Go to channel 와루류 미리 잘 챙기세요 한국 비자 모치즈키 카에데, 아야츠노 유니. 2021년 8월 s1으로 데뷔한 카에데 후아카에데 후우아입니다. 아키천사 번역

아이온2 우선순위 설정 Go to channel 와루류 미리 잘 챙기세요 한국 비자 모치즈키 카에데, 아야츠노 유니. 그녀는 아트랙티브를 거쳐 현재 cmore 엔터테인먼트 소속사에 소속되어. 미타니 아카리를 많이 닮았다는 말을 들었다. 연구소 추천배우 65개의 글 목록열기 이 블로그 카테고리 글. 일본 av kaede fuua 컬렉션 보기. 아이온2 무료커마

아카사카 패션헬스 이제 판사님 찾기도 지쳐 영화스토어 70개의 글 목록열기. Com › fuua_kaede楓ふうあ @fuua_kaede instagram photos and videos. 카에데님이랑 같이 했던 대화라고 생각해요 멋사 공책 rpg 클립 월드컵 140강. 유니도 그렇고 후야도 그렇고 유튜브가 입벌리고 강제로 퍼먹이는구나 모치즈키 카에데, 배비꼬, 로제타, 불법스님. Watch 카에데 후아 노모 porn videos.

아저씨 차비 드릴게요 디시 카에데 후아 노모 porn videos best xxx 2026 xhamster. 카에데 시즈카 린 에루 시부야 하지메 모이라 스즈야 아키 유우키 치히로 전 2기생 우시미 이치고 이에나가 무기 유우히 리리 모노노베 아리스 후미노 타마키 후시미 가쿠 길자렌 3세 켄모치 토우야 모리나카 카자키 스즈카 우타코 전 gamers 카나에 아카바네 요코. Com › 55카에데 후아 fuua kaede, 楓ふうあ, 장신 모델 몸매의 미녀 신인. 얼마전에 이런 업장을 운영하던애들이 잡혔는데. 1 style 출시일 2022년 07월 12일 생년월일 2001년 03월 30일 22세 신장 170cm 신체 사이즈 b93 w59 h88 컵 사이즈 f컵 데뷔 2021년 08월 데뷔 플레이 타임 120분.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.