Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › newsview › 20251208514064통일교 해산 논란이 드러낸 일본 민주주의의 균열 종교칼럼. 통일교는 세계적 종교라서 해산도 못 시킴 중도정치 마이너. 통일교 해산명령 청구‥통일교는 반발 2023. 일본 ‘통일교 피해 대책 변호인단’ 기토 마사키 변호사에게 선고 이후 예상되는 난관을 물었다.

기무세딘 누드

Comarticledgxzqoue0735g0x000 旧統一教会に東京地裁が解散命令、民法上の不法行為で初 日本経済新聞.. 178지금 통일교 재산 빼돌리고있다 빨리 수사해서 재산몰수해야함.. 일본 도쿄지방법원이 25일 ‘세계평화통일가정연합 통일교’에 대해 해산 명령을 내렸다.. 봐 트럼프는 통일교 안봐준다니까우리도 재물로 가져다 바쳐야지 dc app..

그록 인도 결제

그라비아 디시

ㅡ근데 시발 댓글엔 통일교 욕 1도없고 애미 욕만 존나함.. 재산 몰수하면 재건에 한세월 걸리긴하지.. 지난 2월 45일 현지시간 미국 워싱턴 d..

ad maiorem dei gloriam 라틴어. 178지금 통일교 재산 빼돌리고있다 빨리 수사해서 재산몰수해야함, 이미지 통일교 신천지 기어나오네 ㅋㅋㅋ 이미지 미민당 차기 대권주자 지지율10월 말11월 초 이미지 통일교는 세계적 종교라서 해산도 못 시킴 이미지, 혹시 일가친척 중에 통일교 있으신가여저는 이번 일 괜찮다고 보는데여하는김에 신천지도 같이 해보면 안될까여.

김건희 이준수 문자 디시

현재 일본에서는 세계평화통일가정연합 통일교에 대한 문부과학성의 해산명령 청구가 받아들여졌다. 해산 시키면 모하노 통일교로 다시만들면 그만인데 멍청한 놈들은 왜 맨날 이상한짓만 잘처하노 ㅋㅋㅋ. 유명 사이비 종교 교주들 파일유명 사이비 종교 교주들 2023, 앵커멘트 통일교 측이 건진법사를 통해 김건희 여사에게 여러 현안을 청탁한 의혹이 집중된 시기는 2022년입니다, 이에 대해 다나카 회장은 총격범에 대한 정식 재판이 시작되지 않은 것도 이해하기 어렵다.

일반 통일교 결혼한 애들 얼굴과 실명 다 박제하고싶다 ㅇㅇ14, Comarticledgxzqoue0735g0x000 旧統一教会に東京地裁が解散命令、民法上の不法行為で初 日本経済新聞. 정부에서 종교를 해산시키는게 가능한가, 이에 대해 다나카 회장은 총격범에 대한 정식 재판이 시작되지 않은 것도 이해하기 어렵다, 논점은 통일교 내부의 문제가 아니라, 국가가 종교단체의 존폐를 결정하는 ‘해산’이라는 극단적 조치를 어떤 기준과 절차에서 행사했는가에 있다.

김리리 섹스

재명이 통일교 강제해산 시키려하더니 이유가 있었노 등산. 정부에서 종교를 해산시키는게 가능한가. 지난 2월 45일 현지시간 미국 워싱턴 d. 현재 일본에서는 세계평화통일가정연합 통일교에 대한 문부과학성의 해산명령 청구가 받아들여졌다. 아베 신조 피살 사건으로 통일교의 헌금에 대한 논란이 분분하지만.

김건희 딸감 이에 대해 다나카 회장은 총격범에 대한 정식 재판이 시작되지 않은 것도 이해하기 어렵다. 좋아요 561개,뉴믹스 상호공유해요 @rohsangho35 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 이재명 대통령과 종교 지도자들이 신천지와 통일교의 폐해를 논의하며 해산 가능성을 제기했습니다. 이미지 통일교 신천지 기어나오네 ㅋㅋㅋ 이미지 미민당 차기 대권주자 지지율10월 말11월 초 이미지 통일교는 세계적 종교라서 해산도 못 시킴 이미지. Com › newsview › 20251208514064통일교 해산 논란이 드러낸 일본 민주주의의 균열 종교칼럼. Com › news › article이 대통령 종교단체도 헌법법률 위반 시 해산시켜야 통일교 재차. 그록 업데이트 디시

그록 렉 Com › board › view일본 1심 법원, 통일교 해산명령 실시간 베스트 갤러리. 해산 시키면 모하노 통일교로 다시만들면 그만인데 멍청한 놈들은 왜 맨날 이상한짓만 잘처하노 ㅋㅋㅋ. 민법 38조와 종교재단 해산 요건, 주무관청 권한, 특검 통일교 수사 등 주요. 에서 워싱턴타임스와 국제종교자유재단 irf이 공동 주최한 ‘2025 국제종교자유정상회의 irf summit 2025에는 일본 내에서 벌어지고 있는 세계평화통일가정연합 가정연합, 옛 통일교에 대한 탄압 상황이 주요 화제로 올랐다. Com › kokr › news통일교 겨냥한 李 일본처럼 해산 검토&mldr. 그록 spicy

그록 이메진 Com dc official app 오피셜 일본, 통일교 해산명령 s. 남미로 통일교 사이비들 다 데리고 꺼졌으면. 반면 세계평화통일가정연합은 자발적이고 정상적인 종교 헌금이라고 주장하고 있다. 일반 李 대통령 통일교 폐해 너무 커종교지도자 해산, 국민 동의할 것. ㅡ근데 시발 댓글엔 통일교 욕 1도없고 애미 욕만 존나함. 그록 로리

김녹완 야동 Maiorem이라는 단어를 majorem으로 쓰기도 하며 am. 앵커멘트 통일교 측이 건진법사를 통해 김건희 여사에게 여러 현안을 청탁한 의혹이 집중된 시기는 2022년입니다. 재명이 통일교 강제해산 시키려하더니 이유가 있었노 등산. 피해자 구제 방치가 정치 왜곡을 불렀다 일본의 통일교 해산명령 청구 2심이 선고만 남겨두고 있다. 야후기사 댓글반응 ㅡ야후는 극우라 다 자민당 지지자들임.

김건희 이준수 문자 내용 디시 인사이드 한국 개신교 교단에서는 종말론 및 교주 신격화 등의 read more. 일본 법원이 25일 세계평화통일가정연합통일교에 해산을 명령했다. 도쿄지방재판소 1심 법원는 지난 3월 25일 인용 결정을 내렸다. 일본 민주주의의 건강성은 바로 이 지점에서 드러난다. Com › news › articleview한국의 통일교 해산.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.