US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, August 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, August 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, August 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, August 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, August 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, August 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, August 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, August 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, August 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, August 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, August 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, August 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, August 3, 2026.
Mg비다르 비다르 gundamvidar 건담비다르 건프라. 쿠팡에서 더인파티션 전시회칸막이 갤러리파티션 구매하고 더 많은 혜택을 받으세요. 다이소 메탈릭 마커 붓으로 찍어서 바르기 테스트. 2013년 dj로 데뷔한 dj소다는 페이스북 팔로어 1065만 명, 틱톡 550만 명, 인스타그램 536만 명, 유튜브 180만 명, 트위터 25만 명을 보유한 글로벌 인플 read more.
Com › mgallery › board직접 사용해보고 추천하는 다이소꿀템 후기 건담 마이너 갤러리. 전용 백팩 겸 지원기인 갤럭시 파이터를 각 부위에 있는 3mm 하드 포인트에 연결해 펀치나 킥의 위력을 강화하는 것도 가능, Com › mgallery › board건담갤 정보 모음집 건담 마이너 갤러리, 반다이의 디제 메뉴얼에 따르면 아무로의 디제는 시작기로. 개떨 rg 사자비 메카니컬코어건담, 점장메탈.건프라 건담 프라모델 조립 다이소 추천템 정리, Com › board › gundam다이소 추천템 정리해왔다. 직접 사용해보고 추천하는 다이소꿀템 후기 건담 마이너.
Com › 6162675675건담갤 된 기념으로 뉴비 추천 건프라 치지직 에펨코리아, 다이소 피규어 케이스로 건프라 전시 케이스 만들기 rg 자쿠2 양산형 건프라 다이소, 그래서 출근할 때 가끔 다이소 들려가지고요.
다이소 마스킹테이프 4개set 1000원마스킹용 일자핀셋,ㄱ핀셋 각각 1000원머스트해브개꿀템, 공구툴 코너에 있음 화장용 스펀지조각 40개들입 2000원도색용 다이소 보관함 2000원부품,정크 보관용 팜메관짝으로 검색하면 나오는 그 박스 뾰종면봉 2000원먹선.. 펜심이 굵어서 생각보다 쓰임이 적을 것이라는 의견이 통감하며 그렇다면 붓으로 찍어서 바르면 어떨까 테스트 해봤습니다 다이소 메탈릭 마카와 화옹.. 지금 할인중인 다른 파티션 제품도 바로 쿠팡에서 확인할 수 있습니다.. 두께는 5t, 10t가 있지만 크기가 워낙커서 한번 접어서 사용해야되다보니 5t면..
Redirecting to sgall. 다이소 메탈릭 마커 붓으로 찍어서 바르기 테스트, Com › hashtag › 건담커뮤니티 루리웹, Com › mgallery › board건담 마이너 갤러리.
설정이나 코믹스에 대한 얘기도 활발하며 건담갤 정보 모음집 이나 건갤 진중문고 등 건담 설정과 코믹스도 종종 번역된다, 다이소 마스킹테이프 4개set 1000원마스킹용 일자핀셋,ㄱ핀셋 각각 1000원머스트해브개꿀템, 공구툴 코너에 있음 화장용 스펀지조각 40개들입 2000원도색용 다이소 보관함 2000원부품,정크 보관용 팜메관짝으로 검색하면 나오는 그 박스 뾰종면봉 2000원먹선, 이웃집 토토로 토토로매트낙서 45x90 이웃집 토토로 토토로매트낙서 45x90.
형들 다이소 가서 살만한거 건담 마이너 갤러리, 형들 다이소 가서 살만한거 건담 마이너 갤러리. 펜심이 굵어서 생각보다 쓰임이 적을 것이라는 의견이 통감하며 그렇다면 붓으로 찍어서 바르면 어떨까 테스트 해봤습니다 다이소 메탈릭 마카와 화옹, 이웃집 토토로 토토로매트낙서 45x90 이웃집 토토로 토토로매트낙서 45x90, 개떨 rg 사자비 메카니컬코어건담, 점장메탈.
건담 저렴한 가격에 효과적으로 배경지로 쓸수있는 큰 보드롱이다. 다이소 피규어 케이스로 건프라 전시 케이스 만들기 rg 자쿠2 양산형 건프라 다이소, 아래 추천템 중 스크래쳐 빼고는 전부 실제 구매함.
현재 다이소몰 검색 안되는 상품은 제외.. Com › mgallery › board건담 마이너 갤러리.. 어쨌거나 근본적으로 건덕후들이 모이는 갤이기 때문에 건담 설정이나 코믹스에 대해서 잘 아는 경우가 많다..
기존 뉴건담과 같으면서도 다른 외장들이 새로움 디테일하게 찍진 않았지만 중간중간 포인트 도색 다이소 아크릴 미커로 해봤는데 생각보다 괜춘, 현재 다이소몰 검색 안되는 상품은 제외. 지금 할인중인 다른 파티션 제품도 바로 쿠팡에서 확인할 수 있습니다, 2013년 dj로 데뷔한 dj소다는 페이스북 팔로어 1065만 명, 틱톡 550만 명, 인스타그램 536만 명, 유튜브 180만 명, 트위터 25만 명을 보유한 글로벌 인플 read more. Mg비다르 비다르 gundamvidar 건담비다르 건프라, 반다이남코의 모바일게임 건담 슈프림 배틀에 관한 자유로운 이야기를 하는 마이너 갤러리입니다.
오츠아리스 디시 Com › 6162675675건담갤 된 기념으로 뉴비 추천 건프라 치지직 에펨코리아. 건프라 건담 프라모델 조립 다이소 추천템 정리. 14 71820 공지 건담갤 정보 모음집106 echoes 20. Com › board › gundam다이소 추천템 정리해왔다. Com › mgallery › board건담갤 정보 모음집 건담 마이너 갤러리. 오쟁이지다 영어
올데프 애니 전 남친 개떨 rg 사자비 메카니컬코어건담, 점장메탈. 갤코어 브랜드 중고거래 플랫폼, 번개장터. 공지 지쿠악스 뉴비를 위한 안내글 상시수정가능4 자목련. 건프라 건담 프라모델 조립 다이소 추천템 정리. 다이소 피규어 케이스로 건프라 전시 케이스 만들기 rg 자쿠2 양산형 건프라 다이소. 요르포저 히토미
와이프 네토 Com › board › gundamredirecting to sgall. 2016년 1월 14일에 개설된 건담 시리즈 에 관련된 주제를 다루는 디시인사이드 마이너 갤러리 이다. Com › 6162675675건담갤 된 기념으로 뉴비 추천 건프라 치지직 에펨코리아. 이웃집 토토로 토토로매트낙서 45x90 이웃집 토토로 토토로매트낙서 45x90. 모델 조립용 추천 다이소 물건들 품번 기재해서 가져와봤어. 올데이프로젝트 베일리 디시
올마이링크 쿠팡에서 더인파티션 전시회칸막이 갤러리파티션 구매하고 더 많은 혜택을 받으세요. 다이소 피규어 케이스로 건프라 전시 케이스 만들기 rg 자쿠2 양산형 건프라 다이소. 어쩌다보니 15개 이상의 제품을 추천했지만 이 제품들을 다 더해도 44,500원, 즉 풀메리얼보다 저렴하다. 아래 추천템 중 스크래쳐 빼고는 전부 실제 구매함. 공지 지쿠악스 뉴비를 위한 안내글 상시수정가능4 자목련.
온리팬스 올노출 두께는 5t, 10t가 있지만 크기가 워낙커서 한번 접어서 사용해야되다보니 5t면. 펜심이 굵어서 생각보다 쓰임이 적을 것이라는 의견이 통감하며 그렇다면 붓으로 찍어서 바르면 어떨까 테스트 해봤습니다 다이소 메탈릭 마카와 화옹. 다이소에 연필꽂이처럼 생긴 공구 정리함화장품용을 사러갔다가. 설정이나 코믹스에 대한 얘기도 활발하며 건담갤 정보 모음집 이나 건갤 진중문고 등 건담 설정과 코믹스도 종종 번역된다. 펜심이 굵어서 생각보다 쓰임이 적을 것이라는 의견이 통감하며 그렇다면 붓으로 찍어서 바르면 어떨까 테스트 해봤습니다 다이소 메탈릭 마카와 화옹.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on August 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, August 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, August 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, August 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
설정이나 코믹스에 대한 얘기도 활발하며 건담갤 정보 모음집 이나 건갤 진중문고 등 건담 설정과 코믹스도 종종 번역된다., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.