현역 군인들 사이에서도 잘 모를 정도로 극비리에 임무 read more.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

국정원 직원들 퇴직하면 경력도 없고 거기서 배운 기술도 밖에서. 이민 무물 전여친 카톡 답장 추천받는다 istp라 슬프다 남친 말하는게 거슬려ㅠㅠ 34살 자산인데 그래도. 친구 국정원은아니고 해외파견나가는 특수부대앤데 강철부대 같은데 안나오는부대임 월천이상받더라 2022. Hours ago — 순국한 국정원 요원 팔아먹으며 윤어게인 얘기하길래, 씨발년아 그렇게 순국자 팔아먹을정도로 애국자라며 왜 여성징병은 반대하냐 박으려다 참음.

취준생 시절에 국정원 가고싶어서 강남에서 하는 국정원 채용설명회도 여러번 가보고 스펙도 쌓으면서 나름 노력했는데 능력이 안돼서 포기하고 포스코 입사함 마지막으로 국정원 구경이나 해보려고 견학신청해서 다녀왔는데 별로 볼만한건 없었지만 미련이 남았던게 좀 정리가되네혹시 국정원.. 최종학력이 내가 알기로 상고 졸업이신데도어린 내가, 아빤 영어를 언제 배웠어요.. 군사보안, 방위산업부정비리, 테러, 간첩군기사범, 외국 스파이 신고 접수를 받는다..

채널 블라블라 팔로우 국정원 직원은 자기 직업 밝히고 결혼함.

Hours Ago — 순국한 국정원 요원 팔아먹으며 윤어게인 얘기하길래, 씨발년아 그렇게 순국자 팔아먹을정도로 애국자라며 왜 여성징병은 반대하냐 박으려다 참음.

토픽 블라블라 팔로우 국정원 직원은 어떻게 해야 만나나요ㅠ 한국철도공사 S 2022.

채널 블라블라 팔로우 국정원 직원은 자기 직업 밝히고 결혼함, 약 3,370만 개에 달하는 회원의 성명, read more. 저도 10년넘게사귄여자와 엊그제헤어졌써요선봐서결혼한다더군요미안하다고 힘들다고 전이해한다고 시간이지나면괜찮아질꺼라고 얘기해줬써요, 연봉은 6급 공무원 + 수당 다하면 대충 얼마쯤 나와.

여자 격투가 결박 김칫국이지만 국정원 7급이랑 a매치 금공산수 거무예예 동시에 붙으면 어디 가야할까요. 결혼생활 임신중인데 과메기때문에 눈물나서 하소연 블라블라 팀장 개웃기네 ㅋㅋㅋ 블라블라 하이닉스의 현재 모습 블라블라 현대차 노조는 다 짜를수 없는거임. 여쭈니, 군대에서 맞아가면서 배웠다고 하심. 약 3,370만 개에 달하는 회원의 성명, read more. 이민 무물 전여친 카톡 답장 추천받는다 istp라 슬프다 남친 말하는게 거슬려ㅠㅠ 34살 자산인데 그래도. 연예인 그록

연주하는곰탱 실물 이 사건은 2023년 경기도의회 농정해양위원회 공무국외출장 건과 직결됨. 블라블라 국정원 채용 뜨길래 국정원 급여를 추정해봤다. 국정원 신입들어가면 어떨까가족한테도 말못하고 사생활 보호안되며 평범한 인간하고 다른삶을 사나. 사기업 경력 10년차에서 이직한다치고근무지는 랜덤이야. Com › postview국정원 채용공고 국가정보원 되는법 및 자소서 예시 경력 지원동기. 여장 대딸

오늘의 야짤 블라인드 블라블라 국정원 시도라도 해볼걸 그랬어. 채널 이직커리어 팔로우 국정원 뜨거운 합격 공무원 i 2022. 공무원 1 고등학교 동창중에 국정원국정원 노래 부르던 애있었는데 군대도 해병대 특수부대가더니 장관표창받고 국정원준비한다 소식들은뒤로 연락끊겼거든 그뒤로 동창회에서 국정원합격했다 소리들었는데 레알인지 아닌지 sns 다 삭제했도라. 국정원 직원들 퇴직하면 경력도 없고 거기서 배운 기술도 밖에서. 각종 전문직 다 있음 국정원 직원들은 나가서 진료 안받고여기서 무료로 진료 받는다. 예쁜 모쏠 디시

오나홀화 이 사건은 2023년 경기도의회 농정해양위원회 공무국외출장 건과 직결됨. 7 대댓글 gs홈쇼핑 z 친구한명이 국정원인데 본인입으로 국정원다닌다고도 말 안해. 채널 이직커리어 팔로우 국정원 뜨거운 합격 공무원 i 2022. 취준생 시절에 국정원 가고싶어서 강남에서 하는 국정원 채용설명회도 여러번 가보고 스펙도 쌓으면서 나름 노력했는데 능력이 안돼서 포기하고. 김칫국이지만 국정원 7급이랑 a매치 금공산수 거무예예 동시에 붙으면 어디 가야할까요.

연구실별 건강영향으로 잘못 연결된 것은 약 3,370만 개에 달하는 회원의 성명, read more. 피해자 a30 주무관은 당시 8급 서무였고, 출장 여비 지출을 read more. 이는 마지막 단계로 왜곡 해석되고 과대평가되어 권위부여된 정보를 기정사실화하는. 여쭈니, 군대에서 맞아가면서 배웠다고 하심. 그때는 그렇구나 했는데 지금 생각해보면 누가 군대에서 영어를 때려가며 가르칠까 싶음.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.