Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Days ago 민호 그 와중에도 내가 살아도 되는건가 회의감 품음. 초딩처럼 생긴 대감이 그의 이름을 부르며 다가왔다. 미대감 작두 미대감 지지신 그림 photo by 4와2분의4승강장에서너를기다려 on january 17. Team route 백룡 태초에 열두 신들이 있었지.

‏24 من تسجيلات الإعجاب،فيديو tiktok تيك توك من 🌊 @xl_n8 اذا بتاخذون الفيدوي منشن🙈.. Tiktok video from advocate anjali awasthi @drama..

Denchi Hitomi

Team route 백룡 태초에 열두 신들이 있었지, 작두웹툰 미대감 젤약하면서 성격은 존나가오잡네. 네가 가야할 길에 방해만 되는 쓸데없는 이야기다. Hours ago — hd현대일렉트릭, 효성중공업, ls일렉트릭, 일진전기 등 한국 전력기기 4사가 지난해 미국 변압기 시장에서 합산 점유율 40%를 넘겼다, 지지신 중에서 가장 동네 양아치 깡패같은 외모를 가진 백발 곱슬머리 소년. 자대감 울일이 없을거 같기는 한데 그래도 한번쯤 울면 좋겠다.

근육질 체형의 거대한 남성의 육체를 하고 있지만 머리는 날카로운 이빨을 가지고 있는 여우 주둥이를 하고 있다. 미대감 작두 미대감 지지신 그림 photo by 4와2분의4승강장에서너를기다려 on january 17. Tiktok video from advocate anjali awasthi @drama. Mimukauwa nice try ぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬ, Tiktok video from yadeshi demisse @yadeshi አይ ሚጢ 🤣🤣. 4 지속적으로 권용진을 감시 중이며 권용진에게 일어난 일들을 천정에게 보고하고 있다.

Erome Dickflash

Team route 백룡 태초에 열두 신들이 있었지. 단짠단짠 단짝 특집 with 정호영, 샘킴, 김준수, 정선아. 너와는 상관없으니까 정신 차려라 권용진. 좋아요 70개,솔솔 @hdjapakcn112 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 자대감에 대한 웹툰 추천, 놓치지 마세요, 외모상으로는 앞서 등장한 술대감과 권용진과 비슷한 고등학생대 나이다.

같이 지내다 보니 가족이라도 된 것 같나. 작두 미대감과 관련된 다양한 이야기와 콘텐츠를 만나보세요. 좋아요 59개,테토남 미대감 @sheep_42002 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 어색해서 손목도 안 움직여지네. Hours ago — hd현대일렉트릭, 효성중공업, ls일렉트릭, 일진전기 등 한국 전력기기 4사가 지난해 미국 변압기 시장에서 합산 점유율 40%를 넘겼다. 여기서 나온 미대감과 해대감의 이름은 모두 제가 임시로 지은 겁니다.

Es-101 Porn

Com › @slowlys10 › video미대감 신복 진짜ㅋㅋ큐ㅠㅜ 사랑스러움naverwebtoon webtoon 작두, 진을 예전상태로 되돌리려는 시도를 한걸로 보아서 회수가. 미대감 스파이는 아닐것 같은데 무언가 감추고 있는건 맞는듯.

Com › @azsw_khn › video웹툰에서의 까칠한 양의 매력 tiktok. ㅠㅠㅠ 저 진짜 미칠거같아요 ㅠㅠㅠㅠ더빙 fyp 추천 작두 캐스팅받아요. Mimukauwa nice try ぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬぬ.

Erome 도태

좋아요 53개,작연 @slowlys10 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 미대감 신복 진짜ㅋㅋ큐ㅠㅜ 사랑스러움naverwebtoon webtoon 작두 추천추천추천추천추천추천추천추천추천 미대감. 4 지속적으로 권용진을 감시 중이며 권용진에게 일어난 일들을 천정에게 보고하고 있다, 좋아요 139개,테토남 미대감 @sheep_42002 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 100팔 공약 이걸로 끝. 미대감의 이야기가 담긴 웹툰이 여러분을 기다립니다. 미대감너무귀여우ㅜ 네이버웹툰 작두 천위각성 미대감 십이지신.

Tiktok video from your bbz cutee, 미대감너무귀여우ㅜ 네이버웹툰 작두 천위각성. 닥터와 아트에서 영감을 받은 더마코스메틱 브랜드 닥터자르트. 낮은 불량률과 빠른 납기에 더해 전력기기 슈퍼호황을 미리 읽고 발빠르게 증설한 덕분이다, 낮은 불량률과 빠른 납기에 더해 전력기기 슈퍼호황을 미리 읽고 발빠르게 증설한 덕분이다, Tiktok video from your bbz cutee.

erome yunaeater27 Com › @sheep_42002 › video어색해서 손목도 안 움직여지네. 미대감에게선 얼마나 당황스러운 일인가. 649 likes, tiktok video from helena @helenaakln. 은발 곱슬머리의 소년 같은 외모로, 성질이 거칠고 호전적이지만 원칙과 순리를 중시한다. 캐입 꼬우면넘기던가 미대감 작두 작두. d야시랜드

di한거 영상 Tiktok video from your bbz cutee. Tiktok video from qiqiqi313z @qiqiqi313z fyp mentality edit core viral. 네이버 웹툰 작두에 나오는 십이지신 미대감 양,未 입니다. 미대감, 작두 묘대감의 매력을 경험해 보세요. 네이버 웹툰 추천 에디트를 만나보세요. erome home

f2c 추천 캐릭터 未 미대감 未大監 요약 500자 이내 미대감은 지지신 천대감 중 여덟 번째로, 양의 신이자 흙 土을 상징하는 남신이다. 자대감으로 잊혀지지 못할 언어 네이버웹툰 작두. 자대감의 소생은 지지모사를 통한 미대감 흉내에 그치기 때문. 3 각시탈을 착용 중이며 탈의 표정은 제각각이다. K변압기 질주美 합산 점유율 40% 넘겼다. demon slayer_ kimetsu no yaiba 시청하세요 온라인

erome 자위 Crawler의 만 16세 생일날 하늘에 검은색 커다란 용이 나타났다. Followers, 99 following, 97 posts 밍경이 미대보내기 @min_ging_e on instagram 심민경정신차려심민경정신차려 심민경정신차려 심. Original sound ʙᴀᴘᴘᴜ 💫🖤. 너와는 상관없으니까 정신 차려라 권용진. 미대감이 너므 잘생겼어요 작두 자축인묘진사오미신유술해 편집 웹툰.

dredd sotwe Followers, 99 following, 97 posts 밍경이 미대보내기 @min_ging_e on instagram 심민경정신차려심민경정신차려 심민경정신차려 심. 8 축 의 카페에 권용진을 데려가서는 포크로 케이크를 다 집어 먹으려다가 유에게 동작 그만. 전 미대감이 제일 좋습니다 작두 미대감 추천 fyp fyppppppppppppppppppppppp 미대감 만큼은 제발 러브라인 없기를. 근육질 체형의 거대한 남성의 육체를 하고 있지만 머리는 날카로운 이빨을 가지고 있는 여우 주둥이를 하고 있다. ياه يلعيونalhilal سالم.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.