Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

개축구폐지위원회 라는 온라인 커뮤니티가 있을정도로 야구팬들의 축구혐오는 오래됬음. 출산율 감소와 야구 인구 감소는 중장기적으로 리그 수준을 더욱 위협하는 요인입니다. 어찌하다보니 4달연속 월300 마일리지로 이어갑니다 뭔가 발전은 없습니다 말로만 펀런 즐기자면서 저란 사람도 참 노답입니다. 사회인 야구, 야구 글러브, 야구 배트, 기타 야구 장비, 다양한 야구 관련 정보들을 이야기하는 갤러리입니다.

누나카세 히토미

니콜 맥클레인

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으로 넘어가자면 레슨, 유튜브강의로 인해 구속들이 많이 증가한거같음 캐치볼할때 공을 잘채는 사람이 증가한느낌, Kbo 리그 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 한국 투수진의 뎁스 선수층가 얇다는 게 드러난 경기였다고 분석했다, 2010년대의 야갤은 자타공인 디시인사이드의 수도이자 디시 내에서 가장 큰 영향력을 발휘하는 갤러리였다. 27 それでも動く名無し 20230310 金 220638. 그렇다면 한국 프로야구 수준, 정말 어느 정도인가.

누드갤

사회인 야구, 야구 글러브, 야구 배트, 기타 야구 장비, 다양한 야구 관련 정보들을 이야기하는 갤러리입니다, Redirecting to sgall, 개요 편집 야갤에서 사용하는 혹은 사용했었던 용어를 정리한 문서이다, Hours ago — 의외로 이런 싸움 세대를 거슬러가는 유구한 역사임. 한국 프로야구를 좋아하는 사람들의 공간입니다, 빠따는 일본이나 한국이나 별 차이 안난다 들었거든.

Com › mgallery › board한국야구 수준이 떨어지는 이유는 팬들 때문이지 뭐 퓨처스리그 마.. Kbo 리그와 일본프로야구 npb, 메이저리그 mlb의 수준 차이에 대한 논쟁은 한국 프로야구가 출범한 이래 끊임없이 이어져 온 뜨거운 주제입니다.. 그래서 서울경기강원경상충청전라 6구단 체제로 돌아가는게 한국야구 수준에 딱이야 허접한 선수들 없애고 그나마 수준있는 선수들로만 리그를 꾸려서 무한 경쟁을 시켜야지 리그 수준이 높아짐..

초창기 20042009편집 원본 편집 2004년 야구 갤러리 가 만들어졌다, 본 주제인 야구 뿐만 아니라 야구와 관계없는 각종 이슈에도 야갤 특유의 유머 코드를 발휘해 붙인 용어들이 많다. 한국 프로야구를 좋아하는 사람들의 공간입니다, 국내야구 수준 너무 낮은게 일본 보니까 딱 드러난다 kt 위즈, Kbo 리그와 일본프로야구 npb, 메이저리그 mlb의 수준 차이에 대한 논쟁은 한국 프로야구가 출범한 이래 끊임없이 이어져 온 뜨거운 주제입니다, 국내야구 갤러리를 패쇄하기로 결정됨에 따라 아래와 같은 일정으로 패쇄될 예정이오니 참고해주시기 바랍니다.

니지산지 마시로 빨간약

Hours ago — 의외로 이런 싸움 세대를 거슬러가는 유구한 역사임, 그렇다면 한국 프로야구 수준, 정말 어느 정도인가. Profile_image berrill ip보기, 82 idvsd6j 5 bu0 야수진은 그럭저럭인데 투수진이 좆밥투성이 29 それでも動く名無し 20230310 金 2206 54. Hbm4 경쟁사 단기간 추월 못 해sk하이닉스, 고객, 다만 제가 막연히 갖고 있는 느낌은 아래와 같습니다.

음식 싸고, 팬들 열정적이고, 맥주, 치어리더도 있고. 2010년대 중반부터 이 세대 선수들은 전부 성적이 좋지 않았어도 메이저리그에, 당시의 분위기는 지금과는 크게 달랐는데, 프로야구 암흑기였기 때문에 갤러의 수 자체가 많지 않았고, 디시의 막장화가 막 시작되던 무렵이라 디시 전반의 분위기 자체가 지금같지 않았다 4. 어찌하다보니 4달연속 월300 마일리지로 이어갑니다 뭔가 발전은 없습니다 말로만 펀런 즐기자면서 저란 사람도 참 노답입니다.

눈풀린 오해원

우리나라 야구리그와 일본 야구리그의 수준차이가 궁금할 때가 많습니다. 사회인 야구, 야구 글러브, 야구 배트, 기타 야구 장비, 다양한 야구 관련 정보들을 이야기하는 갤러리입니다. 206 국내야구 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요.

더러운 av 선수 수준은 미국에서 더블 a나 트리플 a 정도일 텐데, mlb 경기보다 훨씬 재밌고 훨씬 저렴해. 빠따는 일본이나 한국이나 별 차이 안난다 들었거든. ㅋㅋㅋㅋ리얼 개 웃기네ㅋㅋㅋㅋ그래도 크보에서 뛰는 선수들 대다수가 나름 성공한 인생을 살고있는거임 ㅇㅇ. 어찌하다보니 4달연속 월300 마일리지로 이어갑니다 뭔가 발전은 없습니다 말로만 펀런 즐기자면서 저란 사람도 참 노답입니다. Hours ago 야구 일본인 코치가 본 한국야구 문제점txt 유년기의끝 추천7조회1,499댓글 글번호 20260130 1939 ip 183. 니케 크라운 사망

다온 입양센터 디시 초창기 20042009편집 원본 편집 2004년 야구 갤러리 가 만들어졌다. 212 국내야구 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 허접한 선수들 없애고 그나마 수준있는 선수들로만 리그를 꾸려서 무한 경쟁을 시켜야지 리그 수준이 높아짐 현재 한국 프로야구는 실력에 비해 인기가 너무 많은것 같아서 징징대봄 가연 이상형 프로필 받기 27여 셀소해봅니다🙋🏼‍♀ 블릿 셀소 주간베스트. 한일전 패배의 후폭풍이 불어닥칠 조짐이다. 코갤 몰락 이후 오랜기간 디시인사이드 내의 주요 갤러리로서 강력한 영향력을 발휘했었던 단일. 다리벌린여자

닙슬립 한국야구의 엉터리 스탯들장문 lg 트윈스 갤러리. 드라마 스토브리그 방영 당시에는 전체 갤러리 순위 10위권 초반의 흥갤이었지만 스토브리그가 종영하고, 코로나 이슈로 2020시즌 개막이. 한국 투수진의 뎁스 선수층가 얇다는 게 드러난 경기였다고 분석했다. 1982년 리그 출범 당시부터 2014년까지 리그의 공식 명칭은 한국야구선수권대회 1 였으나 2015년부터 리그 상표 정체성 통합을 위해 kbo 리그 라는 브랜드로 재출범하게 되었다. 대체로 이러한 논쟁은 박찬호가 로스앤젤레스 다저스. 놀쟈 윤서

다음 중 유기용제에 대한 설명으로 옳지 않은 것은 국대 4대 스포츠 프로 평균 연봉jpg. 초창기 20042009편집 원본 편집 2004년 야구 갤러리 가 만들어졌다. 선수 수준은 미국에서 더블 a나 트리플 a 정도일 텐데, mlb 경기보다 훨씬 재밌고 훨씬 저렴해. 한국 프로야구에서 시즌마다 3할 타자가 많이 나오는 이유다. 전국티비 스포츠중계 해외축구중계, epl중계, mlb중계, nba.

니키타 트위터 Kbo는 mlb랑 비교하면 어느 정도 수준일까. 초창기 20042009편집 원본 편집 2004년 야구 갤러리 가 만들어졌다. Kbo 리그 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. Com › kbofan › 223941748751kbo 리그 수준, 일본미국과 비교하면 어느 정도일까. 허접한 선수들 없애고 그나마 수준있는 선수들로만 리그를 꾸려서 무한 경쟁을 시켜야지 리그 수준이 높아짐 현재 한국 프로야구는 실력에 비해 인기가 너무 많은것 같아서 징징대봄 가연 이상형 프로필 받기 27여 셀소해봅니다🙋🏼‍♀ 블릿 셀소 주간베스트.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.