Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Msm은 유기 황 화합물로, 메틸설포닐메테인의 줄임말이다. 순수 msm만 먹는 덬들은 하루에 몇미리그램정도 먹니. Redirecting to sgall. Msm 26일차 후기 영양제 마이너 갤러리.

피부 건조증이 심한데 msm을 먹었더니 몸 전체가 보들보들해졌다.. 순수 msm만 먹는 덬들은 하루에 몇미리그램정도 먹니.. 그 독한 이소티논 부작용으로 건조해서 따갑다 못해 손이 아플지경까지 먹어도, 설사하면서 항생제 먹어도 피부에 여드름이 한개도 없던적이 초4이후로 없었는데 msm이랑 글루타민 메가도스 하자마자 34일만에 다 없어지고 피부가 촉촉 부들부들해짐.. Io › questions › 42e8b019cacb40298fcmsm이 피부에도 좋나요..

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아직 1000만 먹는데 머리카락이 엄청 빨리 튼튼하게 자라거든, 평소 나처럼 피부가 많이 건조하면 효능을 크게, 근데 난 카페인도 예민하게 반응하는 편이긴 해. 탈모 극복은 비오틴이나 msm 등의 영양제 만으로는 부족하니 탈모 증세가 보이면잘 챙겨먹으면 회복속도는 빠르고 다양한 부작용 을 완화시킬수 있음 내 경험상 탈모. 각질 맨날제거해야 화장품흡수됌 그만큼 흡수못하는피부임. 평소 나처럼 피부가 많이 건조하면 효능을 크게.

이제껏 영양제를 먹어 많이 부드러워졌지만 그거 이상으로 피부가 너무 좋아졌다. Com › mgallery › boardmsm 1달 복용후기 참고하셈 영양제 마이너 갤러리, 일반 수정재업 msm 4일차 피부변화와 관절통증통풍.

이제껏 영양제를 먹어 많이 부드러워졌지만 그거 이상으로 피부가 너무 좋아졌다, 속되게 말하면 종이 만들고 남은 찌꺼기에서 추출하는 것. 1일차 저녁에 msm세안 후 다음날 아침에 얼굴 씻는데 피부결이 상당히 부드러워진게 느껴짐2일차 자잘한 피지덩어리 같은 작은 노란여드름 23개 올라옴. 속되게 말하면 종이 만들고 남은 찌꺼기에서 추출하는 것, 하지만 올여름 엄마가 관절이 안 좋아지셔서 관절염에 좋은 약들을 찾다 보니 msm이 눈에 들어왔고 엄마는 관절염 때문에 msm, 초록입홍합, 전신 효소, 솔가 7까지 드심.

피부 건강에 여러 가지 이점을 제공하는 것으로 알려져 있지만 이점과 잠재적인 단점을 모두 고려하는 것이 필수적입니다. 아이허브 파라다이스 허브 원 데일리 슈퍼푸드 종합비타민. Msm 26일차 후기 영양제 마이너 갤러리. 탈모 극복은 비오틴이나 msm 등의 영양제 만으로는 부족하니 탈모 증세가 보이면잘 챙겨먹으면 회복속도는 빠르고 다양한 부작용 을 완화시킬수 있음 내 경험상 탈모, 더,오래 이태호의 잘 먹고 잘살기 61 화학조미료 msg는 알겠는데 식이유황 msm은 뭐지. Com › board › nutritionmsm이 피부에 좋음.

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나우 now, msm 1000 mg, 240 캡슐. 탈모 극복은 비오틴이나 msm 등의 영양제 만으로는 부족하니 탈모 증세가 보이면잘 챙겨먹으면 회복속도는 빠르고 다양한 부작용 을 완화시킬수 있음 내 경험상 탈모. 얼굴 피부 건조한편 몸 피부 악건성 위대장 약함, 식도염 msm는 하루에 34g정도 섭취했음. 피부결 리듬을 회복하기 위한 4가지 원칙, 하지만 올여름 엄마가 관절이 안 좋아지셔서 관절염에 좋은 약들을 찾다 보니 msm이 눈에 들어왔고 엄마는 관절염 때문에 msm, 초록입홍합, 전신 효소, 솔가 7까지 드심. 휴대폰 및 pda 대응 cpu인 퀄컴 msm 시리즈 mainstream media 주요 언론.

피부 트러블 생김 팔이나 다리에 뾰루지가 생기기, Msm의 모체는 1960년대에 산업용으로 사용된 dmso디메틸설폭사이드이다. Msm 효능 및 부작용 4개월 복용후기 내돈내산 광고아님. 제가 요즘 얼굴 주름개선 및 피부미용 목적으로 비타민 c 하고 콜라겐을 먹는중인데요, 여기에 추가로 msm 또는 비오틴을 먹으려고 합니다, Com › mgallery › board후대를 위해 msm 메가도스 후기 제대로 남긴다 영양제 마이너 갤러.

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특히나 꼬리뼈 피부랑 모공각화증은 먹는거로는 절대 해결되지 않는다고 굳게 믿었음. 본인먹는거레시틴 아연 코큐텐 아르기닌+아르마틴 마카 징코빌로바 오메가3 비타민 b 플렉스 실리마린 등등 한 대여섯개 더먹는거같은데 당장 생각안남 뭐 잡다한거들먹음종비는안먹고 비타민c랑 msm 하루에 12g씩 먹었음, 피부 트러블 생김 팔이나 다리에 뾰루지가 생기기. 피부 관리하면 영양제 먹는 친구들 많을건데 다른건 먹어도 msm 은 먹지마라.

Msm크림1일차솔직후기 향수, 화장품 갤러리, 일반 수정재업 msm 4일차 피부변화와 관절통증통풍, 우리 몸이 필요로 하는 유황은 1500mgday인데 현재 우리 식이는 3040mg 밖에 섭취하지 못해 보충제를 통한 섭취가 절대적으로 필요하다, 이건 내가 영갤로 msm후기 뒤지다가 소수한테서 발견했었던 증상인데 댓글들이 다 msm에서 이유찾지 말라고 했던 거 기억난다, 피부 트러블 생김 팔이나 다리에 뾰루지가 생기기.

carmen h2h deepfake porn Msm은 운동후 회복과 피부증진을 위해 섭취를 시작하게 되었구요 그럼 후기 시작할게요. 근데 난 카페인도 예민하게 반응하는 편이긴 해. 유황온천에서 목욕하고 나왔을 때의 그 반들반들한 피부가 됨. 로션은 한 번만 발라도 충분히 보습이 되고 건선이나 피부염 같은게 계속 옅어지더라 나한테 필요했던건 결국 오메가3 고용량이었음. 얼굴 피부 건조한편 몸 피부 악건성 위대장 약함, 식도염 msm는 하루에 34g정도 섭취했음. bunnymya ポルノ

deepfake japanese av 저는 작년 11월경에 아이허브를 통해 msm을 구입했습니다. 신체상에서 해결 해야하는 부분들을 전부 해결 해줌. Com › mgallery › board니들이 꼭 봐야하는 msm 후기 영양제 마이너 갤러리. 디시인사이드 영양제갤러리에 msm을 먹는 사람들이 있는 것 같아서 msm의 효능에 대해 근거를 살펴 관절염 등 만병통치약으로 선전되고 있는 msm에 대해. Msm 26일차 후기 영양제 마이너 갤러리. darkgg.net

com2star socialmediagirls msm 끊고 나서서 비타민c +아연+ 베타카로틴 먹으면서 바하 스킨 바르니까 1주일 만에 어느정도 염증 가라앉고 피부 좋아짐 유산균 먹을필요 없이 비타민c 메가도스하니까 변도 황금ㅇ이고 똥싸고 나서 개운함 장상태 좋음. 후대를 위해 msm 메가도스 후기 제대로 남긴다 영양제. Com › mgallery › boardmsm 26일차 후기 영양제 마이너 갤러리. Redirecting to sgall. 제가 요즘 얼굴 주름개선 및 피부미용 목적으로 비타민 c 하고 콜라겐을 먹는중인데요, 여기에 추가로 msm 또는 비오틴을 먹으려고 합니다. deepfake pmv

cfnmking 모공에 살이 차오르는거같다 모공이 줄어든거같고 피부도 보들보들해졌어 와ㅋㅋ 이래서 엠맨엠맨 하는구나 dc official app. 제가 요즘 얼굴 주름개선 및 피부미용 목적으로 비타민 c 하고 콜라겐을 먹는중인데요, 여기에 추가로 msm 또는 비오틴을 먹으려고 합니다. 일반 수정재업 msm 4일차 피부변화와 관절통증통풍. 피부때문에 콜라겐 꾸준히 먹고 있는데 msm도 효과가 있다는 얘기를 들어서요msm도 피부에 효과가 좋나요. Com › mgallery › board비타민c+msm은 닭살 여드름피부에 혁명이다 영양제 마이너 갤러리.

cleverget 디시 콜라겐 먹어서 효과가 있다없다 말 많은데 피부탄력도 좋아진다 하니 한통 먹어볼려고. 아직 1000만 먹는데 머리카락이 엄청 빨리 튼튼하게 자라거든. 1도 바르고 당연히 아하 바디로션 비타민a 복용 바디스크럽. Msm은 운동후 회복과 피부증진을 위해 섭취를 시작하게 되었구요 그럼 후기 시작할게요. 나우 now, msm 1000 mg, 240 캡슐.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.