문어 튀김 위에 유자소스에 절인 방울토마토가 나왔고, 튀김 밑에는 쌈장소스가 발라져 있었습니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

호텔그레이스리긴자 쿠라스시 도쿄타워 튀김덮밥 가챠샵. 일본 도쿄여행 아직 첫날입니다💓 저녁으로 라멘먹고 2차로 카페를 갈까 아님 맥주한잔 때릴까 고민하다. ‘붕장어 튀김덮밥’은 제 14회 전국 덮밥 그랑프리에서 ‘곱빼기 덮밥 부문’ 금상을 차지했습니다. 극세 빵가루 × 식물성 기름으로 짜내는 신감각의 창작 꼬치 튀김.

도쿄 시부야 맛집 추천 튀김텐동 텐토라 스크램블스퀘어점 네이버 블로그 외 국 207개의 글 목록열기.. 저같은 경우에는 도쿄타워 포토존들 다 둘러보고 시바공원까지 다 둘러본 뒤 소바 토키와에 10시 35분.. 14 쿠시카츠가 땡겨서 킨시초 쿠시야에 다녀왔어요 쿠시야모노가타리는 튀김뷔펜데 한입크기로 잘라진 튀김꼬치를 딱 튀기기만 하면 되는거라..

도쿄 덴푸라 튀김 오마카세 맛집 텐시바 더프린스파크타워 네이버 블로그 일본 도쿄 80개의 글 목록열기.

튀김덮밥 특유의 풍미와 일본 스타일의 튀김 방식, 그리고 전통 스타일의 간장 소스를 활용해서 먹는 텐동.

Com › H_ana_24 › 223440200038도쿄 덴푸라 튀김 오마카세 맛집 텐시바 더프린스파크타워 네이버.

도쿄타워 근처라서 근처 관광하고 저녁에 갔다, 도쿄타워 포토 스팟 쓰키지 시장 센소지⛩️ 닭껍질 튀김 일본 35. 마침 도쿄에서 자주 간다고 추천해준 집이 있더라구요, 영업시간 런치 ㅣ 1130 1500 디너 ㅣ 1700 2200 위치 더 프린스 파크타워 도쿄 호텔 지하1층 정보 더 프린스 파크타워 도쿄 4 chome81 shibakoen, minato city, tokyo 1058563 일본 이 블로그의 체크인 이 장소의 다른 글 덴푸라 텐시바 프린스 파크 타워, 도쿄타워맛집일본식 양식점 키친다다キッチンダダ에서 함, 도쿄 덴푸라 튀김 오마카세 맛집 텐시바 더프린스파크타워 네이버 블로그 일본 도쿄 80개의 글 목록열기.

도쿄타워 구경하면서 동네 15분 정도 구경하다 보면 금방 도착합니다 식당 외관부터 맛집 포스 풍겨주시는 타케짱. 편리한 교통편은 물론 최첨담의 일본과 옛정서 물씬 풍기는, 일본의 덴뿌라튀김은 독자적인 시도를 하는 동시에 해외의 다양한 튀김요리기법을 받아들이며, 한층 더 소재의 맛을 이끌어내기 위한 방법이 시도되어. Com › meongzzi › 223388428863도쿄타워 근처 맛집 타케짱, 성시경 맛집으로 알려진 쿠시카츠 꼬치튀, 도쿄타워맛집일본식 양식점 키친다다キッチンダダ에서 함.

정말 튀김 맛집이라 그런지 맛있습니다.

저는 성시경 님의 먹을텐데 애청자에요 ㅎㅎ 시경님이 추천해 주신 쿠시카츠 맛집으로 다녀와봤습니다. 저같은 경우에는 도쿄타워 포토존들 다 둘러보고 시바공원까지 다 둘러본 뒤 소바 토키와에 10시 35분. 호텔그레이스리긴자 쿠라스시 도쿄타워 튀김덮밥 가챠샵.

변녀 sotwe Tachigui sushi hiroya 4. 롯폰기・도쿄타워 주변의 최고 일식・가이세키 레스토랑. 메뉴판인데 왼쪽위에부터 설명을 하자면 기본을 함바그로 두고 추가토핑이 바뀌는 메뉴이다 함바그와 고로케,함바그와가라아게,함바그와생선튀김,함바그와멘치카츠. Tachigui sushi hiroya 4. 오후 뱅기라 호텔에 체크인 하고 바로 나오니 이미 어둑어둑, 첫 째날은 도쿄타워 야경. 버릇없는 샴 디시

베일리 디시 아구순살튀김 뜨거워 호호 불며 아사삭 광명동 1567 ⏰️11시22시화욜 휴무 ☎️050714368067. 도쿄타워맛집일본식 양식점 키친다다キッチンダダ에서 함. 긴자 텐쿠니 1885년부터 역사를 이어온 긴자 대표. 저는 성시경 님의 먹을텐데 애청자에요 ㅎㅎ 시경님이 추천해 주신 쿠시카츠 맛집으로 다녀와봤습니다. 셰프들이 바로 앞에서 튀김을 준비하는 카운터 스타일의 식사를 즐기며 활기차고 매력적인 분위기를 연출했습니다. 브레인롯 훔치기 티어표

브롤 ㅇㅉ 도쿄 시부야 맛집 추천 튀김텐동 텐토라 스크램블스퀘어점 네이버 블로그 외 국 207개의 글 목록열기. Com › s_oooob › 2241632916493월 4월 도쿄여행 벚꽃명소 2박 3일 자유여행 준비물 일정 가볼만한. 아구순살튀김 뜨거워 호호 불며 아사삭 광명동 1567 ⏰️11시22시화욜 휴무 ☎️050714368067. 일본 도쿄여행 아직 첫날입니다💓 저녁으로 라멘먹고 2차로 카페를 갈까 아님 맥주한잔 때릴까 고민하다. 오후 뱅기라 호텔에 체크인 하고 바로 나오니 이미 어둑어둑, 첫 째날은 도쿄타워 야경. 벨라레타

버튜버 새싹 얼굴 20 hours ago rarahyoos profile. 요디 유튜브 도쿄여행 영상에 나왔던 레어텐동집🐟 참치를. 도쿄 시부야 맛집 추천 튀김텐동 텐토라 스크램블스퀘어점 네이버 블로그 외 국 207개의 글 목록열기. 소바 토키와 오픈시간은 11시입니다. Com › watch도쿄 현지인이 사랑하는 텐동맛집 소개합니다 텐동 도쿄맛집 도쿄.

불곰사업 디시 1월말 황금설연휴를 맞아 핑핑이들과 도쿄여행 을 다녀왔는데요🍣 도쿄에 도착하자마자 도쿄타워 구경을 왔어요 뱃속에 거지가 사는 핑핑이들은 지하철을 나오자마자 눈 앞의 우동집으로 들어갔어요🍜. 일본 도쿄 아사쿠사로 여행가서 먹어야하는 튀김 튀김덮밥 텐동 맛집을 소개합니다. ‘붕장어 튀김덮밥’은 제 14회 전국 덮밥 그랑프리에서 ‘곱빼기 덮밥 부문’ 금상을 차지했습니다. 2장의 패티를 사용하여 파스트라미 베이컨과 양파 튀김, 토마토와 양상추 등의 생채소를 각각 쌓아 올리고 핫 칠리소스를 뿌린 푸짐한 햄버거입니다. 롯폰기・도쿄타워 주변의 최고 일식・가이세키 레스토랑.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.