무명의 더쿠 20251201 224045 하니 힘든거하지말고 유유자적 살아야돼ㅠ텨허허하면서 ㅋㅋㅋ 2.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이슈 블라인드 내가 교사를 관두는 40가지 이유 57,315 415. 정보 초등교사 소신발언 아들 가진 부모님들에게 69,495 567. 저경력 벗어난 초등 교사의 삶이 궁금한 중기. 초등학교 때부터 꿈이 선생님이라 큰 고민없이 사대를 가구 임용을 봐서 교사가 됐어.

무명의 더쿠 20251201 233504 이유가 다 넘 그럴듯해ㅋㅋ 3.

자해를 한 것으로 추정되는 교사 b씨는 병원으로 옮겨져 치료받았다.. 그리고 최근엔 조울증 진단까지 받았어ㅎㅎ.. 이슈 8년차 교사가 느끼는 요즘 고등학생들 특징..

Com › Board › View실시간 초등교사 커뮤니티를 본 더쿠 노괴들 반응 실시간 베스트 갤.

11일 대전시교육청과 경찰 등에 따르면 해당, 이슈 업무량 이정도인 줄 알았으면 안했을거라는 교사 87,130 909 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo, 방해요소 없이 온전히 업무만 보니 업무집중도를 최상으로 발휘할 수 있다.

얼마전엔 일주일밖에 방학을 즐기지 못했다는 이야기도 들어가지고ㅠㅠ 솔직히 교사 하려는 이유중에 방학도 들어가 있는데 요샌 이걸 바라면 안되는지 4, 10일 오후 발생한 대전 초등학생 사망 관련 용의자는 40대 여자 교사로 확인됐다. 교사 n년 하고 질병휴직사유 우울증 했다가.

더쿠 공복러닝을 20분 정도 뛰고 나서야 알았다.

요즘은 직업계고라고 이름 바꾸는 추세지만 핫게가 특성화고로 핫하길래ㅎㅎ 특성화 과목 상업, 공업, 농업 과목 아니고 일반 교과 교사였음 두 군데 다녔는데 한 곳은 지역에서 알아주는 꼴통학교, 한 곳은 신문에 이름도 내고 방송도 타면서 슬슬 유명해지는 라이징 학교였어 1, 이슈 업무량 이정도인 줄 알았으면 안했을거라는 교사 87,130 909 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo, 더쿠 공복러닝을 20분 정도 뛰고 나서야 알았다.

최근 인기 유머 85,638개의 글 목록열기.. 근데 품의 올리는게 교사 행정업무의 전부는 아니라고 말하고 싶었음 학교 행정실도 인원 부족해서 너무 힘든거 잘 알고 행정실이랑 교원이랑 싸울게 아닌데 너무 안타깝다 1..

무명의 더쿠 20251201 234413 삭제된 댓글입니다.

11일 오후 육종명 대전서부경찰서 서장은 브리핑을 열고 아이에게 책을 주겠다고 유인했다는 진술을 확보하고 신빙성을 확인중이라고 설명했다. 이슈 최근 현직 초등교사의 글 +해석 117,624 964 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo, 교사는 초임발령시 9호봉부터 시작함 2,365,500원 모든 교사가 받는 교직수당 250,000원 모든 공무원이 받는.

인경 only 이슈 동덕여대 관련 초등교사 커뮤니티에 올라온 글 69,672 485 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 무명의 더쿠 20251204 114140 서방님이 자야 나도 자요. 교사 폭행성희롱 학생, 곧바로 출석 정지. 당시 한 살배기였던 아들까지 동행했다는 정황도 제기됐다. 교사들은 앞으로 어떻게 할지 궁금한 후기. 일본 렌탈남친 디시

적당히 위험하게 다시보기 Net › square › 1399457959더쿠 펌10년차 디자이너에서 3년차 교사 후기. 11일 교육계에 따르면 대전교육청은 전날 10일 a 교사를 동료교사 폭행 혐의로 감사를 진행했다. 이전에도 여교사들 육아휴직 쓰고 놀다가 12월만 되면 개같이 복직해서 꽁돈 타먹는 수법으로 정 여교사 육아휴직 기간동안 열심히 일하던 기간제 교사 쫒아내는일이 존나게 잦아서 문제가 되기도 함 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 18 19 20. 방해요소 없이 온전히 업무만 보니 업무집중도를 최상으로 발휘할 수 있다. 유일한 재능을 발휘하여 가족에게 유산을 남기고 가기로. 인스타 라방 귀요미 꼭노

장규진 논란 우울증을 앓아온 a교사는 휴직과 복직을 반복하다 지난해 12월 이 학교에 복직했다. 실종신고 이후 아이의 행적을 찾던 경찰은. 초등학교 때부터 꿈이 선생님이라 큰 고민없이 사대를 가구 임용을 봐서 교사가 됐어. 무명의 더쿠 20251204 114140 서방님이 자야 나도 자요. 유일한 재능을 발휘하여 가족에게 유산을 남기고 가기로. 일마갤 뒷갤

장크로다일 샘플 학원강사와 교사의 의견이 다른게 너무나 당연한데 학원강사 의견은 엥 스럽네. 교사는 연령만 지정된 불특정다수를 대상으로 하고 강사는 학원보낼 재력+의무아닌 학원. 저경력 벗어난 초등 교사의 삶이 궁금한 중기. 대학원 입학도 고려해 시험을 준비하고 있었으나 위에화엔터테인먼트. 11일 교육계에 따르면 대전교육청은 전날 10일 a 교사를 동료교사 폭행 혐의로 감사를 진행했다.

자위 방법 디시 실종신고 이후 아이의 행적을 찾던 경찰은. 푸젠사범대학교 음악교육과 전공 후 고등학교 교사자격증을 취득하고 교생 실습까지 실시했었다. 11일 대전시교육청과 경찰 등에 따르면 해당. 11일 오후 육종명 대전서부경찰서 서장은 브리핑을 열고 아이에게 책을 주겠다고 유인했다는 진술을 확보하고 신빙성을 확인중이라고 설명했다. 초등학교 때부터 꿈이 선생님이라 큰 고민없이 사대를 가구 임용을 봐서 교사가 됐어.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.