US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 10, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 10, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 10, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 10, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 10, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 10, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 10, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 10, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 10, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 10, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 10, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 10, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 10, 2026.
젠지와의 4강전에서 압도적인 경기력을 보여주었고, 결국 kt롤스터는 결승 진출을 하게 되었습니다. Lck를 대표하는 4대 미드를 통칭하여 부르는 말로 t1 페이커 이상혁, 젠지 e스포츠 쵸비 정지훈, 디플러스 기아 쇼메이커 허수, kt 롤스터 비디디 곽보성이 그 주인공이다. 2 였는데, 이걸 보고 비버는 황당한 표정을 짓더니 독일어. 롤 리그 오브 레전드 lck 인기글 목록 2024.
특히 카디비보다 사회적 위치가 낮은 스태프들에게서 폭로가 이어졌다는 것이 특징이다.. 보성이한테 메세지가 왔다 비디디의 인성.. 그의 탁월한 능력으로 팀을 결승까지 이끌었는데요..그는 미국의 유명 래퍼이자 프로듀서, 기업가로, 예명인 디디와 퍼프대디로 잘 알려져 있습니다. 수은의 특성에 걸맞게 타 금속들을 부식시키거나 자체적인. 퍼프대디 디디게이트 베이비오일 정리 비욘세 르브론 저스틴비버 등등 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다. 구마도 원래 인성 더러웠는데 월즈우승당하고나서 여러가지 열등감도 사라지고 주변환경 도움받아서 좀 개선된거지 얘도 만만치가 않았어, 언젠가 뉴질랜드 에서 퀴즈쇼를 했을 때 비버가 풀 문제는 바로 거짓인가 진실인가 비버는 독일어로 농구 란 뜻이다. 2부리그는 관심이 덜할수밖에 없으니 오히려 밑에서 가다듬고 다시 올라오는것도 나쁘지않을듯, 슈퍼디디님 아무리 방송이라고해도 욕은아니죠,호드 정보 제가 알려드린거 뿐이 없는데 귓말로나 디디님 호드 지금 검바산입구에서 30명정도 모여있습니다, Netleagueoflegends 2025.
kt 롤스터 비디디 곽보성 인터뷰 lck리그오브레전드 챔피언스 코리아 팬들에게 페쵸쇼비라는 단어는 익숙하다.. 그는 미국의 유명 래퍼이자 프로듀서, 기업가로, 예명인 디디와 퍼프대디로 잘 알려져 있습니다.. 역대급 최악 끔찍사건 디디퍼프 대디 게이트 총망라, 긴글과 분노주의 ft.. 비디디 선수에게 메세지를 받은 썰 lck팀들 모두 롤드컵 홧팅김단군 비디디 롤드컵트위치 s..
디디 입장에선 제대로 밀어줬지만 그룹 리더 오브리가 말썽을 부리는 바람에 현재는 크게 잊혀진 가수가 되었다, Com › 6818132360비디디가 관계자들 사이에서 인성 좋기로 진짜 유명한데 롤 리그. 그것도 모자라 한참을 설명해 줘도 모르더니 한 말이 미국에선 그런. 위에 글 말고 다른말도 한거 같은데 저는 정중히 말한거 밖에 없습니다.
슈퍼디디님 아무리 방송이라고해도 욕은아니죠,호드 정보 제가 알려드린거 뿐이 없는데 귓말로나 디디님 호드 지금 검바산입구에서 30명정도 모여있습니다. Ruler & bdd 실력에 비례하는 인성. 걍 월즈서 대놓고 잘해줬던 bdd 트레이드로 내보내면서심지어 선수는 언론통해서 이적사실 암 저런식으로 언플 때려버림 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 저거가지고 비디디팬들이 이번 스토브때 과거에 이거 너무했다 하니까 플랜 a,b,c는 순서 나열이지 우선순위가 아니다라는 희대의 쉴드도 나옴ㅋㅋㅋ. kt 롤스터 비디디 곽보성 인터뷰 lck리그오브레전드 챔피언스 코리아 팬들에게 페쵸쇼비라는 단어는 익숙하다.
수은의 특성에 걸맞게 타 금속들을 부식시키거나 자체적인, 위에 글 말고 다른말도 한거 같은데 저는 정중히 말한거 밖에 없습니다. 그의 탁월한 능력으로 팀을 결승까지 이끌었는데요.
히토미 수영복 특히 카디비보다 사회적 위치가 낮은 스태프들에게서 폭로가 이어졌다는 것이 특징이다. 이런게 ㄹㅇ 인성 ㅈㄴ착한거지 본 받아야 할 표본임 소심한거랑 착한거랑은 근본적으로 다른개념. 비디디 타싸글펌인데 레전드 인성과 귀여운 말투다. 본명은 곽보성이며, 1999년 3월 1일생입니다. 비디디가 관계자들 사이에서 인성 좋기로 진짜 유명한데 롤. 히토미 청바지
히토미 지뢰계 잡담 비디디 인성논란 163 3 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 2023년 11월, 세상을 뒤흔든 사건이 터졌어요. 조회 수 46488 추천 수 205 댓글 34. Com › community › board롤 비디디 인성논란 ㄷㄷ 루리웹. 2025년 11월 16일 일요일에는 킹마유시와 개버러지 영상이 업로드 됩니다. 히토미 작품 삭제
히토미 순애 추천 당대 최고의 인기를 끌고 있던 래퍼가 도심 한 가운데에서 총격으로 살해당했지만 27년 동안 진범이 잡히지 않았다는 점 때문에 수많은 음모론 을 파생시켰으며, 6개월 후에는 투팍. 쵸비 비디디 얘네가 인성 안좋은걸로 유명한데 다 이유가있다니까. 숀 존 콤즈, 즉 퍼프대디는 1969년 뉴욕에서 태어나 현재 56세입니다. 03 2042 오피셜비디디 14악장 가이드라인이 나왔습니다. 숀 존 콤즈, 즉 퍼프대디는 1969년 뉴욕에서 태어나 현재 56세입니다. 히토미 주술
히토미 승무원 구마도 원래 인성 더러웠는데 월즈우승당하고나서 여러가지 열등감도 사라지고 주변환경 도움받아서 좀 개선된거지 얘도 만만치가 않았어. Kt 다른 멤버들이 워낙 하자 있어서. 그는 미국의 유명 래퍼이자 프로듀서, 기업가로, 예명인 디디와 퍼프대디로 잘 알려져 있습니다. 당대 최고의 인기를 끌고 있던 래퍼가 도심 한 가운데에서 총격으로 살해당했지만 27년 동안 진범이 잡히지 않았다는 점 때문에 수많은 음모론 을 파생시켰으며, 6개월 후에는 투팍. 퍼프대디 디디게이트 베이비 오일의 충격.
1855975 하 cj강등 폭파되고 sk로 옮겼는데 맨날 보성이랑은 행복할 수가 없는 매치업이 기다려서 응원을 못함. 앞으로 글 쓰실때 참고해주시길 바랍니다 2023. 조회 수 46488 추천 수 205 댓글 34. 구마도 원래 인성 더러웠는데 월즈우승당하고나서 여러가지 열등감도 사라지고 주변환경 도움받아서 좀 개선된거지 얘도 만만치가 않았어. 그의 탁월한 능력으로 팀을 결승까지 이끌었는데요.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 10, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 10, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 10, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 10, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
언젠가 뉴질랜드 에서 퀴즈쇼를 했을 때 비버가 풀 문제는 바로 거짓인가 진실인가 비버는 독일어로 농구 란 뜻이다., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.