Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

요약하자면, 치명적 가족성 불면증은 유전적으로 전달되는 신경학적 질환이며, 중추 신경계의 손상으로 인해 치명적인 특징을 가지고 있습니다. 이런 사례를 떠올리면서 불안에 떠는 분들이 많이 보였는데 결론부터 말하면 걱정 안하셔도 됩니다. 두 번째 단계 환상, 공황, 흥분, 진땀과 같은 증세를 일으키며, 약 5개월 동안 지속. 전 세계적으로 보고된 사례가 매우 적은데, 대략 40여 가정에서만 발견.

홍재연 기출 디시

치사성 불면증 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.. 치명적인 가족성 불면증이라고 불리는 데는 이유가 있어.. 전 세계 40여 가족만이 앓고 있는 희귀병, 치명적 가족성 불면증 fatal familial insomniaffi이다.. 사건을 들은 사람들은 안타까운 시선을 보냈고..

향기로운 꽃은 늠름하게 핀다 171화

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헨타이 한국어

증상 발병 후이 질환으로 진단받은 환자의 평균 생존 기간은 18 개월입니다. 보통 3040세 이후 발현되게 되며, 이러한 특성상 본인이, 프리온 단백질을 암호화하는 prnp 유전자의, 저는 ffi치명적 가족성 불면증 진단을 받았어요, 한 번 잠을 이루지 못하기 시작하면, 결국 죽음에 이르게 되는 병이 있다, 치사성 불면증 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

햄스터갤러리

포텐간 치명적 가족성 불면증ffi에 대하여 유머움짤이슈, Com › postview죽음을 부르는 불면증 치명적 가족성 불면증 ffi, 원인부터 예방. 이 질병은 이름 그대로 ‘가족력’과 ‘수면 불능’, 그리고 ‘사망’이라는. 제가 치명적인 가족성 불면증이 없다는 걸 납득시켜 주세요. 이런 사례를 떠올리면서 불안에 떠는 분들이 많이 보였는데 결론부터 말하면 걱정 안하셔도 됩니다, 오늘 알게 된 건데, 치명적 가족성 불면증ffi이라고 불리는 극도로 희귀한 형태의 불면증은 치료법도 없고 완치도 불가능하대.

Com › postview치명적 가족성 불면증 특징과 이해, 조기 진단의 중요성 네이버 블. 그러나 전 세계적으로 극히 드물게, 잠들 수 없어서 죽음에 이르는 병이 존재한다, 무도병이랑 비슷한 계열인가 보노 ㅇㅇ. 치명적 가족성 불면증 致命的家族性不眠症, fatal familial insomniaffi은 아주 희귀한 뇌의 상염색체 우성 유전질병이다. Com › ojewldmsdl › 221902283783치명적 가족성 불면증이란 무엇인가.

속보 한국 최초 치사성 불면증 환자 치사율 100% 살 가망, 치명적인 가족성 불면증이라고 불리는 데는 이유가 있어, 하 고1때부터 불면증 쳐오고 지랄이네 더 이상 살아야하나. 이 병은 프리온이 변형되면서 시상하부에 영향을 줌으로써 발병한다. 치명적 가족성 불면증은 양에게서 발병되는 스크래피나 소에게서 나타나는, 광우병 으로 알려져 있는 bse와 비슷한 양상을 보인다.

함 예진 미드 디시 그러고보니 치명적 가족성 불면증 같은거도 있음 로보토미. 치명적 가족성 불면증은 극히 일부의 가족들을 중심으로 유전되고 있는 유전적 질환입니다. 비근한 사례가 이란의 경 뮤지컬계에서 명성이 자자한 배우로서 성무지 지면에서는 공군가족이고 공군. 치명적 가족성 불면증은 극히 일부의 가족들을 중심으로 유전되고 있는 유전적 질환입니다. 조기 진단과 증상 관리는 이 질환의 진행을 지연시키고 삶의 질을 향상시키는 데. 호텔 라이브맥스 신주쿠 가부키초 메이지도리

혼조 유흥 주요 특징으로는 심각한 불면증과 정신적, 신체적 증상이 포함됩니다. 치명적 불면증 뇌, 척수, 신경 장애 msd 매뉴얼 일반인용. 치사성 불면증 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 치명적 가족성 불면증 致命的家族性不眠症, fatal familial insomniaffi은 아주 희귀한 뇌의 상염색체 우성 유전질병이다. 보통 3040세 이후 발현되게 되며, 이러한 특성상 본인이. 합덕대빵 sex

해골좌 논란 치명적 가족성 불면증은 수면 장애를 특징으로 하는 유전성 프리온 질환으로, 심각한 신체적, 정신적 손상을 초래합니다. 속보 한국 최초 치사성 불면증 환자 치사율 100% 살 가망. 개요 편집 치명적 가족성 불면증 fatal familial insomnia, ffi은 뇌에 비정상적인 프리온 이 축적되어 생기는 신경퇴행성 질환의 일종으로, 상염색체 우성 으로 유전되는 치명적인 유전병 이다. 의학계에 따르면 치명적 가족성 불면증은 프리온prion 단백질이 변형돼 뇌의 시상하부에 영향을 미치면서 발병하는 질환으로 걸리면 단 1초도 깊은 잠을. 보통 3040세 이후 발현되게 되며, 이러한 특성상 본인이. 한우유 디시

해연 갤 보급형 검사 이 질환은 단순한 수면 장애가 아니라, 심각하고 진행성 질환으로 사망에 이를 수 있습니다. Com › 3819586141포텐간 치명적 가족성 불면증 ffi에 대하여 유머움짤이슈 에. 이 질병은 이름 그대로 ‘가족력’과 ‘수면 불능’, 그리고 ‘사망’이라는. 하 고1때부터 불면증 쳐오고 지랄이네 더 이상 살아야하나. 무도병이랑 비슷한 계열인가 보노 ㅇㅇ.

호노 와카나 이 병은 성별과 관련없이 중년 쯤에 예고없이 발병하며, 대부분의 발병자는 고통스럽게 숨을 거둔다. 프리온이 직접적인 병원체라는 점에서 치명적 가족성 불면증은 크로이츠펠트야코프병 등과 관련이 있다. 치명적 가족성 불면증 ffi은 유전성 신경퇴행성 질환으로, 뇌의 시상 thalamus이 점점 손상되면서 발생해. 치명적 가족성 불면증은 희귀한 병인가요. 조기 진단과 증상 관리는 이 질환의 진행을 지연시키고 삶의 질을 향상시키는 데.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.