군사정권 치하에서 노동운동, 민주화 운동 에 투신했으며 민중당 창당에 참여하는 등 진보정당 운동 에도 참여했으나, 김영삼 대통령의 인재 영입에 응해 민주자유당 에 입당한 뒤 보수정당 정치인으로 성장.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

한동훈, 몰래 文 만났다 보수 커뮤니티 가짜뉴스에與 공식. Jpg 한남동 관저 앞 윤석열 전 대통령 지지자들이 yoon again 피켓을 든 모습 대한민국. 한 보수집회 참가자는 취재를 위해 현장에 있는 기자에게 젊은 친구 고맙다며 무대에서 발언하지 않겠냐고 권유하기도 했다. 이날 당무에 복귀한 장동혁 대표는 한동훈 전 대표 제명에 대해 절차에 따라 진행할 것이라고 밝혔다.

주여닝 본명

집회 참여 인원은 5만 2000여 명으로 경찰이 추산했다, Live 윤석열 대통령 탄핵 반대 집회이시각 서울 광화문2025. 1702 투표함에 봉투 넣는 수상한 직원 신고선관위.

쯔양 Deepfake

대전 샘머리물순환테마 read more. 세종대로 가득 메운 보수집회 서울연합뉴스 이정훈 기자 21일 서울 종로구 광화문 동화면세점 앞에서 대한민국바로세우기국민운동본부 주최로 대통령 탄핵 반대 자유민주주의 수호 광화문 국민혁명대회가 열리고 있다. 진보보수 세력의 집회와 행사가 겹치며 경찰은 기동대 약 60개 부대, 4000여 명을 투입해 안전 관리에 나설 계획입니다. 대한민국살리기운동본부대국본은 이날 낮 12시30분부터 서. 개요 편집 윤석열 대통령 의 퇴진과 김건희 여사에 대한 특검을 요구하는 집회. 천지일보홍보영 기자 최근 윤석열 대통령의 지지율이 46%를 기록한 가운데, 대통령 탄핵 반대 집회가 전국으로 확산되고 있다.

Jpg 한남동 관저 앞 윤석열 전 대통령 지지자들이 yoon again 피켓을 든 모습 대한민국. 지금이라도 광화문으로 애국하러 오세요, 개요 편집 윤석열 대통령 의 퇴진과 김건희 여사에 대한 특검을 요구하는 집회.

주최 측은 이날 집회에 100만 명이 넘는 인파가 몰렸다고 추산하고 있으며, 서울 도심 각지에서 집회를 하던 보수 2030세대를 비롯한 시민들이 오늘은 모두 광화문으로 집결한다는 분위기이다.. 오피셜3차 집회일정 떴다 중도보수 마이너 갤러리..

대전 샘머리물순환테마 read more, Com › board › view어제자 보수집회 2030 수만명 상황 실시간 베스트 갤러리. 윤석열 대통령은 왜 갑작스럽게 비상계엄을 선포했을까. 트럼프위협저지공동행동 집회 촬영 정연솔 수습기자 종로구 광화문 의정부터 앞에서는 진보성향 시민단체들이 모인 트럼프위협저지공동행동이 집회를 열고 한미 관세안보협상 체결을 비판했다.

짜잔쿤 만화

문재인 정부 및 더불어민주당 규탄 집회3. Live 윤석열 대통령 탄핵 반대 집회이시각 서울 광화문2025. 홍보자료실 온라인자료실 현수막자료실 선거자료실 포토 갤러리 포토갤러리 원내 자료실 원내 자료실 국감 자료실 정책 자료실 서식. 집회 정보 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 1월 31일 토요일 1600 대전 샘머리물순환테마공원 앞 자유대학의 첫 지방 캠퍼스, 자유대학 대전충청연합이 이번 토요일 발대식을 진행합니다.

외치는 극우혐중 음모론의 끝은 어디인가, 집회 정보 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 때문에 오후에는 그 규모가 더욱 커질 것으로 전망된다. 윤석열 대통령에 대한 탄핵소추안 재표결을 앞둔 14일 서울 종로구 광화문 일대에 탄핵을 반대하는 대규모 보수 집회가 열렸다.

외치는 극우혐중 음모론의 끝은 어디인가, 가상공간서 윤 어게인 집회 연 보수단체, 2024년 12월, 윤석열 대통령의 탄핵을 목적으로 진행된 탄핵소추. 한국노총과 민주노총은 이날 오전 9시30분부터 용산역 광장에서 공동 결의대회를 열었다.

Com 커뮤니티에서 나온 네티즌과 여의도 인근에서 모인 넥타이 부대 등이. 경찰은 이날 오후 1시까지 광화문역에서 시청역 방면 차선 4개를 막고 차량을 통제했지만 계속해서 집회 참가자들이 늘어나자 시청역에서 광화문역 방면 반대쪽 전차로 교통을 통제했다. Com › national › national_general즉시 파면 수사가 내란 탄핵 찬반으로 쪼개진 광화문. 나도좀가게 예비발행 블록체인에 nft 발행 전 디시인사이드 db에 우선 nft 정보를 저장한 상태 실발행 예비발행한 nft가 판매가 완료되어 클레이튼 블록체인에 nft를 발행한 상태.

죠린 히토미 군사정권 치하에서 노동운동, 민주화 운동 에 투신했으며 민중당 창당에 참여하는 등 진보정당 운동 에도 참여했으나, 김영삼 대통령의 인재 영입에 응해 민주자유당 에 입당한 뒤 보수정당 정치인으로 성장. 초기 집회는 중국의 군사안보 위협과 자유민주주의 침해에 대한 문제. 몇 번 올라온 일정이지만 그래도 중요하다 생각해서 또 올림지지 세력을 보여줘서 힘을 보태드려야 한다고 생각함. 홍보자료실 온라인자료실 현수막자료실 선거자료실 포토 갤러리 포토갤러리 원내 자료실 원내 자료실 국감 자료실 정책 자료실 서식. 이미지 118 일요일 울산 unan 재판 속개 집회. 중국 업스

진리컴퍼니 유두 Kr › article › 25359376진보보수 두쪽 난 광복절&mldr. 대한민국살리기운동본부대국본은 이날 낮 12시30분부터 서. Com › national › national_general즉시 파면 수사가 내란 탄핵 찬반으로 쪼개진 광화문. 2026년 1월에 예정되었거나 이미 진행된 주요 보수 성향. Kr › society › 20241214탄핵 반대, 애국 커피 드세요&mldr. 중카tv 논란 디시

주여닝 영상 군사정권 치하에서 노동운동, 민주화 운동 에 투신했으며 민중당 창당에 참여하는 등 진보정당 운동 에도 참여했으나, 김영삼 대통령의 인재 영입에 응해 민주자유당 에 입당한 뒤 보수정당 정치인으로 성장. 가상공간서 윤 어게인 집회 연 보수단체. 815 추진위의 행진 경로에는 일본미국대사관 방면도 포함돼 있어 경찰은 대사관 100m 이내 집회시위를 금지하는 규정 등을 근거로 일부 구간에. 실시간 베스트 이미지 125 일요일 김해 경상도 연합 집회 이미지 120 화 오후12시 교대역 10번출구 내가 윤석열이다. 외치는 극우혐중 음모론의 끝은 어디인가. 준비된 자가 기회를 잡는다 로아

질병결석 디시 보수집회는 2030대의 참여를 반기는 분위기다. 서울뉴시스이수정 기자 토요일인 오는 28일 서울 광화문 일대에서 진보보수성향 시민단체가 윤석열 대통령 탄핵 찬반을 놓고 맞불 집회를. Jpg 한남동 관저 앞 윤석열 전 대통령 지지자들이 yoon again 피켓을 든 모습 대한민국. 여의도권 일대 20만명 집회행진교통경찰 180명 배치 보수진영도 광화문서 2만명 맞불 집회가급적 대중교통 이용 윤석열 대통령 탄핵소추안 2차 표결이 예정된 14일 오후 여의도권 일대와 광화문 일대에서 대규모 집회와 행진으로 극심한 교통 혼잡이 예상된다. Com 윤대통령 탄핵 반대집회 광화문 차선 애국시민으로 통일됐다.

지능 sotwe Kr › society › incidentaccident보수집회서 태극기 든 2030 난 국힘 지지, 보수 아니다 뉴스1. 서울뉴시스이수정 기자 토요일인 오는 28일 서울 광화문 일대에서 진보보수성향 시민단체가 윤석열 대통령 탄핵 찬반을 놓고 맞불 집회를. 윤석열 대통령에 대한 탄핵소추안 재표결을 앞둔 14일 서울 종로구 광화문 일대에 탄핵을 반대하는 대규모 보수 집회가 열렸다. 서울특별시 성북구 보문로 130 보문동1가 사업자등록번호 17 대표번호 15883055 상호명 사단법인 보험연수원 대표자 하태경 통신판매업신고 2009서울성북0356 확인. 2024년 12월, 윤석열 대통령의 탄핵을 목적으로 진행된 탄핵소추.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.