Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

내가 프로급이 아니라서 그런지 모르겠는데 카본도 없는 매그맥스 나이트로가 이렇게 좋을줄 몰랐다. Ar100민수용 dr200민수용 dr300민수용 max2. 일반 형들 과체중 푸마 매그맥스 vs 매그니파이3 선택존 런갤러211. 매그맥스2는 더 부드러울거라고 생각했지만 1보다 부드럽지 않았다.

슈블2와 노블4와 비교해보면 매그맥스가 확실히 더 좋다고 말할 수 있음.. 런리핏 데이터 기준, 전반적인 스펙 비슷..

윈터 빨간약

매그니파이2의 충격흡수만 괜찮고 속도를올리자 바닥차는감각이 둔해지는 그 나이트로폼이 아님.. 기본 스팩과 착용감 가격 239,000원 무게 270mm 기준 290g 280mm 317g으로 측정 미드솔 2세대 나이트로 폼 tpee+peba+질소 4..

울산쉬멜

푸마 매그맥스 나이트로 화이트 구입발볼러 295mm라서 300mm 샀는데 딱 좋다, 매그맥스2는 오히러 단단하기만 하고 반발력 바운스도 부족하게 느껴진다. 무게 260mm 기준 슈블 240g 매맥2 250g.

유강민 성형

원신 모나 야스

내가 프로급이 아니라서 그런지 모르겠는데 카본도 없는 매그맥스 나이트로가 이렇게 좋을줄 몰랐다. 기본 스팩과 착용감 가격 239,000원 무게 270mm 기준 290g 280mm 317g으로 측정 미드솔 2세대 나이트로 폼 tpee+peba+질소 46mm 스텍 8mm 오프셋 발볼 디비에이트 나이트로, 매그맥스2 런업tv에서 리뷰자세하게 했네요. 매그맥스 25년2월에 만들어진 계속 품절이길래 만드느라 늦었나 싶었는데 2달전꺼네요, 벨로시티2 기준 그나마 매그니파이2가 맥스쿠션화로 불릴만한 40mm 정도의 힐스택을 가지고 있었다, 구입 동기 자체가 전천후 조깅 + lsd 용이었고 그에 따라 철저히 발이 편한지 끝나고 발에 데미지는.

매그맥스 신고 10k 2회 뛰었음 본인 발 사이즈 273, 10. 무게 260mm 기준 슈블 240g 매맥2 250g. 마치 탱탱볼마냥 조금만 눌러줘도 밀어주는 반발력이 좋은 신발이죠. 참고로 매그맥스 20k 변속주 리뷰올렸던 사람입니다, Redirecting to sgall. 매그맥스 신고 10k 2회 뛰었음 본인 발 사이즈 273, 10.

유니 빨간약 반응 과체중한테 좋으려면 일단 신발이 넓직해야되는데 전혀 그렇지가 않아서 탈락이야. 매그맥스 극찬한 유튜버 매그맥스2 너무 실망한거 같은뎅. 이번에 출시한 매그맥스는 네이밍에서 짐작할 수 있듯이. 매그맥스2 과제충한테 진짜 좋은듯 러닝 마이너 갤러리. 해외리뷰는 1에 비해서 힐컵이 좀 불안정하다는게 있던데 안정감도 별 차이 없나요. 유영철 아들

윈터 딥페이크 19 30g이사람은1도 무게가 315g 2가 284g 직접제봄. Redirecting to sgall. 매그맥스 극찬한 유튜버 매그맥스2 너무 실망한거 같은뎅. 매그맥스2는 오히러 단단하기만 하고 반발력 바운스도 부족하게 느껴진다. 장시간 조깅을 하거나 체중이 있는 러너들에게는 오히려 안정감을 주는 요소가 될 수도 있겠다. 유미 히토미

원피스 히코미 기본 스팩과 착용감 가격 239,000원 무게 270mm 기준 290g 280mm 317g으로 측정 미드솔 2세대 나이트로 폼 tpee+peba+질소 46mm 스텍 8mm 오프셋 발볼 디비에이트 나이트로. 평상시 일반 뜀박질때 신을려고 하는데푸마 매그맥스 나이트로아식스 노바블라스트5 뭐를 고를지15킬로 정도 뛰면 사진처럼. 오늘 매그맥스 산지 3달만에 개시했습니다2주쉬고 운동 복귀한거였고 10km 520으로 쭈욱 밀면서 느낀점 씁니다. 그러나 맥스쿠션화 중 보메로플러스, 본디9 외에 매그맥스보다 반발력 높은 신발 못찾음. 매그맥스 극찬한 유튜버 매그맥스2 너무 실망한거 같은뎅. 유재석 딥스

운파이 디시 새로나온 매그맥스 2 20% 할인 쿠폰 먹여지네. 매그맥스 극찬한 유튜버 매그맥스2 너무 실망한거 같은뎅. 푸마 매그맥스 나이트로 화이트 구입발볼러 295mm라서 300mm 샀는데 딱 좋다. 매그맥스 2 확실히 잘나옴 10k 테스트 러닝 마이너 갤러리. Com › board › running푸마 매그맥스2 리뷰.

원격 진동기 디시 특히 장거리 러너들에게는 충격 흡수와 안정성이 뛰어난 러닝화가 필수적인데요. 매그맥스2 안좋게 리뷰한 유튜버 영상 지우고 다시 올렸네 ㅋㅋ. Com › luxafeta › 223807113079퓨마 매그맥스 나이트로 puma magmax nitro 짧은 후기. 오늘 매그맥스 산지 3달만에 개시했습니다2주쉬고 운동 복귀한거였고 10km 520으로 쭈욱 밀면서 느낀점 씁니다. Com › board › running매그맥스2 평이 별로구먼 러닝 마이너 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.