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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2017년 데뷔 이후 다양한 장르에서 활약하며 점차 입지를 넓혀온 그녀는 현재 가장 안정적인 인기를 이어가는 배우 중. 작품도 많이찍고 연기도 좋은편이라 한국에선 꽤 인기가 있는 배우입니다. ㅎㅎㅎ 프레스티지에서 2015년 데뷔했던 와카나 나오입니다. 큰 키에 가무잡잡한 피부, 전형적인 미인형 얼굴에 군살 없는 탄탄한 밸런스 잘 잡힌 몸매까지.

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그녀는 자신의 작품에서 캐릭터의 심리와 감정을 섬세하게 표현하며, 관객들이 몰입할 수 있도록 돕습니다. 가슴 모양말고 가슴용량만 쳤을 때 65g 70f 75d 80c 85b 90a 대략 이럼 65g에선 폭유가 밑가슴둘레가 커질수록 점점 퍼지다가 90a가면read more, Com › 6397년생 진구지 나오 nao jinguji, 神宮寺ナオ 세상모든블로그. 가슴 모양말고 가슴용량만 쳤을 때 65g 70f 75d 80c 85b 90a 대략 이럼 65g에선 폭유가 밑가슴둘레가 커질수록 점점 퍼지다가 90a가면read more. 작품도 많이찍고 연기도 좋은편이라 한국에선 꽤 인기가 있는 배우입니다.

연기파배우 진구지 나오 당신이 몰랐던 8가지 사실 트위터 @3mtissue 인스타그램 @3mtissue 블로그 blog, 진구지 나오 nao jinguji, 神宮寺ナオ 1997년 02월 15일 160cm 866188 데뷔 17년 10월 데뷔 진구지, 예명인 진구지神宮寺라는 이름은 좋아하는 애니메이션을 참고해서 직접 만들었다, 109 이미지 애초에 여론전의 키는 류제홍이 가지고 있었음. 진구지 나오도 160이더라 최소 165는될줄 ㅋㅋ.

진구지 나오 nao jinguji 이름 진구지 나오, nao jinguji, 神宮寺ナオ 다른이름 이케다미츠키池田充希 마츠오카메이松岡芽郁 생년월일 19970215 신장 160cm 신체사이즈 b86 w61 h88 컵사이즈 d컵 데뷔 17년 10월 데뷔 진구지 나오 진구지나오 나오진구지.. 진구지 나오 를 무료로 다운로드하십시오..

총평 Bl만화를 좋아하던 평범한 여고생에서 최정상 Av 여배우로 성장한 진구지 나오.

출중한 연기력과 관능미 넘치는 몸매, 터질듯한 섹시함으로 무장한 그녀는 수많은 팬들의 사랑을 받고 있다, 어제 이거 봤는데 갑자기 눈물 연기 하길래 놀랬네 그냥 야한 연기가 아니라 갑자기 혼자서 드라마 찍으니까 감정 몰입돼서 개꼴렸어. 키 160cm 혈액형 b형 가슴사이즈 e컵 쓰리사이즈 b86 w61 h88cm. Jinguji nao 8 facts you didnt know.

작품도 많이찍고 연기도 좋은편이라 한국에선 꽤 인기가 있는 배우입니다. 이제 햇수로 6년차가 됐는데 꾸준히 작품을 찍어내고있다. 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 688,736 deuxma milf 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. 키 160cm 혈액형 b형 가슴사이즈 e컵 쓰리사이즈 b86 w61.

진구지나오 神宮寺ナオ Hnd791 네이버 블로그.

레벨2 도태된인생 키 큰 여배우 대상으로는 키 큰 남배우가 나옵니다, 프로필 이름 진구지 나오 nao jinguji, 神宮寺ナオ 생년월일 1997년 02월 15일 키 160cm 가슴 사, 만 20세에 av에 데뷔할 때까지 성경험이 없었다고 한다.

정답부터 맞추고 자세한 설명은 잠시 후.. 키 160cm 혈액형 b형 가슴사이즈 e컵 쓰리사이즈.. 예명인 진구지 神宮寺라는 이름은 좋아하는 애니메이션을 참고해서 직접 만들었다.. ㅎㅎㅎ 프레스티지에서 2015년 데뷔했던 와카나 나오입니다..

여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 688,736 deuxma milf 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs, 진구지 나오 현역 t165 b86 w61 h88 d컵 연기가 좋은배우로 많이 알려져있는 배우입니다. 예명인 진구지神宮寺라는 이름은 좋아하는 애니메이션을 참고해서 직접 만들었다.

연기력과 평가 진구지 나오는 연기력 면에서도 높은 평가를 받고 있습니다. Com 인스타그램 jinguuji nao 神宮寺 ナオ@jinguji_nao, 기획 배우 시절에는 작품을 꽤 빠른 속도로 찍어줬기. 정답부터 맞추고 자세한 설명은 잠시 후.

가리걸 공주 걸 더쿠 예명인 진구지 나오는 오토메 게임의 캐릭터 진구지 렌에서 따온 것입니다. 진구지 나오 nao jinguji 이름 진구지 나오, nao jinguji, 神宮寺ナオ 다른이름 이케다미츠키池田充希 마츠오카메이松岡芽郁 생년월일 19970215 신장 160cm 신체사이즈 b86 w61 h88 컵사이즈 d컵 데뷔 17년 10월 데뷔 진구지 나오 진구지나오 나오진구지. 가슴 모양말고 가슴용량만 쳤을 때 65g 70f 75d 80c 85b 90a 대략 이럼 65g에선 폭유가 밑가슴둘레가 커질수록 점점 퍼지다가 90a가면read more. 키 160cm 혈액형 b형 가슴사이즈 e컵 쓰리사이즈 b86 w61. 109 이미지 애초에 여론전의 키는 류제홍이 가지고 있었음. 学妹pikpak

小小q twitter 그렇게 2017년 키카탄으로 프레스티지에서 데뷔. 2023년 일본 av 여배우 월드컵 랭킹 1시간마다 갱신됩니다. 키 160cm 혈액형 b형 가슴사이즈 e컵 쓰리사이즈 b86 w61. 이제 햇수로 6년차가 됐는데 꾸준히 작품을 찍어내고있다. 00000000 000000 30322명 읽음. 推特合集pikpak

叫我局长 sotwe 스즈모리 레무 160 사야마 아이는 여름쯤에 트윗에 자기 키가 165가 아니라 168이라고. 출중한 연기력과 관능미 넘치는 몸매, 터질듯한 섹시함으로 무장한 그녀는 수많은 팬들의 사랑을 받고 있다. 프로필 이름 진구지 나오 nao jinguji, 神宮寺ナオ 생년월일 1997년 02월 15일 키 160cm 가슴 사. 호시노 나미 은퇴 t152 b90 w59 h90 g컵 s1활동한 기간이 공무원급이라 인지도는 꽤 있는 배우. 큰 키에 가무잡잡한 피부, 전형적인 미인형 얼굴에 군살 없는 탄탄한 밸런스 잘 잡힌 몸매까지. 가면녀 소희

小谷舞花 그녀는 자신의 작품에서 캐릭터의 심리와 감정을 섬세하게 표현하며, 관객들이 몰입할 수 있도록 돕습니다. 진구지 나오 nao jinguji, 神宮寺ナオ 1997년 02월 15일 160cm 866188 데뷔 17년 10월 데뷔 진구지. 만 20세에 av에 데뷔할 때까지 성경험이 없었다고 한다. 안구정화 요즘 물오른 av배우 진구지 나오. Com 인스타그램 jinguuji nao 神宮寺 ナオ@jinguji_nao.

正装sotwe 출중한 연기력과 관능미 넘치는 몸매, 터질듯한 섹시함으로 무장한 그녀는 수많은 팬들의 사랑을 받고 있다. 2019년 6월에는 av 제작사 마돈나의 전속 여배우가 되었으며, 이후 본중, 무디즈 등 다양한 제작사와 협업하며 활동 범위를 넓혔습니다. 작품도 많이찍고 연기도 좋은편이라 한국에선 꽤 인기가 있는 배우입니다. Com 인스타그램 jinguuji nao 神宮寺 ナオ@jinguji_nao. 109 이미지 애초에 여론전의 키는 류제홍이 가지고 있었음.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.