일본 도쿄도지사 선거를 앞두고 출마한 한 여성 후보자가 정견 발표를 하는 방송에서 상의를 탈의하는 황당한 일이 발생했다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

일부 후보가 정책 발표 방송에서 기행이라 부를 만한 행동. 이번 일본 도쿄 도지사 선거에는 56명의 후보들이 난립해 유권자들의 비판을 받고 있다. 도지사 후보女 정책 방송서 옷 벗더니 긴장해서 곤란해 데일리안. 전년 수능과 비슷한 주제와 유형이 다수 출.

일본 닛칸스포츠에 따르면 우치노 아이리31는 Nhk가 도쿄 지사 선거를 앞두고 방송한 정견 발표에서 ‘귀여운나의정견방송을.

일본 도쿄도지사 선거 정견발표를 하면서 여성 후보자가 상의 겉옷을 탈의해 물의를 빚었다.. 일부 후보가 정책 발표 방송에서 기행이라 부를 만한 행동..

이번 포스팅은 일본 도쿄 도지사 선거의 재미있는 에피소드입니다.

실제 일본 도지사후보의 방송중 상의탈의 여자 마이너 갤러리.

일본 닛칸스포츠에 따르면 우치노 아이리31는 nhk가 도쿄 지사 선거를 앞두고 방송한 정견 발표에서 ‘귀여운나의정견방송을. 이번 포스팅은 일본 도쿄 도지사 선거의 재미있는 에피소드입니다. 일본 닛칸스포츠에 따르면 우치노 아이리31는 nhk가 도쿄도지사 선거를 앞두고 방송한 정견 발표에서 귀여운나의정. 지난 27일 nhk가 내달 7일 치러지는 도쿄도지사 선거를. 역대 최다 수준인 56명의 후보가 난립한 이번 선거에서 유권자들의 이목을 끌기 위한 ‘무리수’가 속출하고 있다.

우치노 아이리 씨의 도쿄 도지사 선거 정견발표는 일본 사회에 큰 논란을 일으켰습니다, Com › board › view나 귀엽죠, 여성 정치인 갑자기 가슴까서 대혼란 실시간 베스트, 나 귀엽죠❔, 여성 정치인 갑자기 젖탱이까서 대혼란 중도. 2024년 일본 도쿄도지사 선거 r254 판, 2024년 일본 도쿄도지사 선거 r254 판, 오는 7일 치러지는 일본 도쿄도지사 선거에는 역대 최다인 56명의 후보가 등록했는데요.

나 섹시해 정견발표 중 탈의한 日후보, 韓서 화제 되자. Com › international › international나 귀엽죠. 일본 경시청은 이 포스터가 조례를 위반했을 가능성이 있다며 경고 조치를 내렸다. Com › board › view나 귀엽죠, 여성 정치인 갑자기 가슴까서 대혼란 실시간 베스트. 나 귀엽고 섹시 정견발표 중 탈의한 30대 女도지사 후보.

그녀의 독특한 행동이 일본 도쿄 도지사 선거가 전 세계적인 관심을 끌고 있습니다.

6월 12일 고이케 지사가 도쿄도의회 정기회 최종일에 3선 도전을 선언했다.. 이번 사건은 일본 정치문화의 문제점을 여실히 드러내며, 정치와 미디어의 상호작용에 대한 깊은 고찰이 필요함을 시사합니다..

지난 27일 nhk가 도쿄 지사 선거7월 7일 개표 예정를 앞두고 방송한 정견 발표에서 해당 사건이 일어났다, Com › board › view도쿄도지사에 출마한 마이너 후보들을 알아보자 실시간 베스트 갤러. 오는 7일 치러지는 일본 도쿄도지사 선거에는 역대 최다인 56명의 후보가 등록했는데요, Com › nexign › 223496893345도쿄 도지사 후보의 상의 탈의 퍼포먼스 네이버 블로그. 可愛いだけじゃなくてセクシーでしょ～？ 귀여울 뿐만 아니라 섹시하죠. 그녀의 독특한 행동이 일본 도쿄 도지사 선거가 전 세계적인 관심을 끌고 있습니다.

일본 닛칸스포츠에 따르면 우치노 아이리31는 Nhk가 도쿄도지사 선거를 앞두고 방송한 정견 발표에서 귀여운나의정.

이번 일본 도쿄 도지사 선거에는 56명의 후보들이 난립해 유권자들의 비판을 받고 있다. 나 섹시해 정견발표 중 탈의한 日후보, 韓서 화제 되자. 그녀의 독특한 행동이 일본 도쿄 도지사 선거가 전 세계적인 관심을 끌고 있습니다, 자민당과 공산당의 노선을 모두 거부하는 비자민비공산을 지향하는 입장에서 자민당의 지원을 받은 고이케 지사도, 공산당이 참여한 야권연대의 단일 후보로 출마하는 read more, 일부 후보가 정책 발표 방송에서 기행이라 부를 만한 행동, 이번 선거에는 총 56명의 후보가 출마해 눈길을 끌었는데요, 그 중에서도 특히 주목받은 사건이 있었습니다.

우치노 후보는 드디어 여러분을 만나게 됐네요. 제되어 쉬워 보이지만, 제시문이나 선지 read more. 전년 수능과 비슷한 주제와 유형이 다수 출. 우치노 후보는 드디어 여러분을 만나게 됐네요. 생방송 중 상의 탈의, 日도지사 후보에 발칵 헤럴드경제 20시간전 다음뉴스 nhk 종합에서 방송된 도쿄 도지사 선거 정견발표.

대물 트위터 지난 27일 nhk가 내달 7일 치러지는 도쿄도지사 선거를. 도쿄도지사 선거 근황 실시간 베스트 갤러리. 나 귀엽고 섹시 정견발표 중 탈의한 30대 女도지사 후보. 아이리쨩 도쿄도지사 선거 나가서 옷벗엇네. 도지사 후보女 정책 방송서 옷 벗더니 긴장해서 곤란해 데일리안. 누루머루

다슬 seu1 결혼 지난 27일 nhk가 도쿄 지사 선거7월 7일 개표 예정를 앞두고 방송한 정견 발표에 ‘카와이 워치 마이 정치방송kawaii watch my 정치. 제되어 쉬워 보이지만, 제시문이나 선지 read more. 아이리쨩 도쿄도지사 선거 나가서 옷벗엇네. 오는 7일 치러지는 일본 도쿄도지사 선거에는 역대 최다인 56명의 후보가 등록했는데요. 이번 선거에는 총 56명의 후보가 출마해 눈길을 끌었는데요, 그 중에서도 특히 주목받은 사건이 있었습니다. 뇌가 녹아버리는 4연속 루인드사정

니콜 맥클레인 정견발표 중 탈의한 30대 도지사 후보에 발칵. 우치노 후보는 드디어 여러분을 만나게 됐네요. 당시 이 포스터에는 ‘표현의 자유에 대한 규제는 그만’이라는 문구도 포함됐다. 아이리쨩 도쿄도지사 선거 나가서 옷벗엇네. Com › board › view도쿄도지사 선거 근황 실시간 베스트 갤러리. 다 누리 움짤

닝닝 빛삭 이들 대부분은 정책보다는 기행으로 유권자의 시선을 끄는 중이다. 실제 일본 도지사후보의 방송중 상의탈의 여자 마이너 갤러리. 우치노 아이리 씨의 도쿄 도지사 선거 정견발표는 일본 사회에 큰 논란을 일으켰습니다. 이번 포스팅은 일본 도쿄 도지사 선거의 재미있는 에피소드입니다. 일본 경시청은 이 포스터가 조례를 위반했을 가능성이 있다며 경고 조치를 내렸다.

눈나눈나 지난 27일 nhk가 도쿄 지사 선거7월 7일 개표 예정를 앞두고 방송한 정견 발표에 ‘카와이 워치 마이 정치방송kawaii watch my 정치. 일본 도쿄도지사에 출마한 여성 후보자가 선거 정견발표 도중 브라자를 탈의해 물의를 빚고 있다. 일본 도쿄도지사 선거를 앞두고 출마한 한 여성 후보자가 정견 발표를 하는 방송에서 상의를 탈의하는 황당한 일이 발생했다. 이번 포스팅은 일본 도쿄 도지사 선거의 재미있는 에피소드입니다. 6월 12일 고이케 지사가 도쿄도의회 정기회 최종일에 3선 도전을 선언했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.