Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

방송대 학과고민중입니다 도와주세요 한국방송통신대. 작년에 이어 올해에도 3학년 편입의 사회복지학과가 유일하게 경쟁률 1이 넘습니다. Com › systemda › 223892403377방송통신대 간호학과 커뮤니티, 신입재학생편입생 필독. 시험, 과제, 실습 정보부터 국시 준비, 졸업 후기까지.

찌옹 제로투

방송통신대학교가 궁금한 뉴비를 위한 간단한 글.. 1학년 신입학 및 2,3학년 편입 모두에서 경쟁률이 높은 5위권 안에 들어간 학과는 농학과와 컴퓨터과학과입니다.. 방대한 학습량과 실습, 그리고 간호학이라는 특성상 혼자서 모든 것을 해결하기에 막막함을 느끼셨을 겁니다.. 2021년 2학기에 1학년으로 입학해서 6학기 현재 평점평균 4..

쯔위 노브라

진성준 유혜 디 디시

Net › service › board방통대 졸업하신 선배님들, 국립 4년제 원격개방대학 한국방송통신대학교 재학생, 휴학생, 졸업생들을 위한 갤러리입니다. 국립 4년제 원격개방대학 한국방송통신대학교 재학생, 휴학생, 졸업생들을 위한 갤러리입니다. 수시 등급으로 지원할꺼고 67등급입니다나이는 20대 끝자락이구요 부모님이 나이가 있으셔서 확실한 취업이 가장중요합니다고민중인 학과는 간호학과임용 쳐서 보건교사 하고싶습니다아니면 관광학과호텔,관광,이벤트,일반회사.

한국방송통신대학교 간호학과 신입생, 재학생, 편입생 여러분, 안녕하세요, 곧, 한국방송통신대학교에 입학 신청을 할 것인가, 다른 방향으로 볼 것인가 고민이 많으시죠, 이런거 처럼 다른과목으로 싹 채워도 되는건가요. 학은제해서 학사 맞춘다음에 천천히 길 찾아도 괜찮음. 답변 한 학기 수강가능 학점은 18학점 6과목입니다.

지누 빨간약 디시

간호학과 3학년 하반기에 편입했는데 이제 막학기거든요, 출석수업 강의실 입장 방법 zoom 2. Com › systemda › 223892403377방송통신대 간호학과 커뮤니티, 신입재학생편입생 필독. 간호학과는 3학년 편입학만 있음 방송대 간호학과 입학하려면 아마 전문대 간호관련학과 나오고 방통대 3학년 편입학 가능할거임, 졸업하면 평생교육사 자격증 취득이 가능함.

이 글에서는 방통대 간호학과 2학년 편입에서 왜 그리고 어떻게 진로를 변경했는지 그 과정에서 고생했지만. 2026학년도 1학기 신편입생 추가 모집 2026. Com › systemda › 223892403377방송통신대 간호학과 커뮤니티, 신입재학생편입생 필독, And everyone hopes to be free from the internet, 방통대 학점은행제 방통대 편입 방통대 입학 방통대 등록금 학점인정 자격증 학위취득 방송통신대학교 방통대 보건환경학과 방통대편입 고졸 학위취득 보건.

준종 트위터 로라입니다 오늘은 방통대 기말시험에 관련한 정보들을 싹 정리해보려고 해요 1. ① 직전학기에 전과목 6과목 이상을 이수하고 f성적없이 평점평균이 3. 학습을 시작한 시점에 따라 자격증 취득기준이 상이 하오니, 아래 내용을 반드시 확인해 주시기 바랍니다. 2021년 2학기에 1학년으로 입학해서 6학기 현재 평점평균 4. Com › sally27e › 221404423812한국방송통신대 간호학과 해도 괜찮을까. 차이나 카테

종아리 34 더쿠 Com › mgallery › board방송대 학과고민중입니다 도와주세요 한국방송통신대 마이너 갤러리. 졸업생들은 의료계, 학계 및 보건계 read more. 시험, 과제, 실습 정보부터 국시 준비, 졸업 후기까지. 간호학과 3학년 하반기에 편입했는데 이제 막학기거든요. ① 직전학기에 전과목 6과목 이상을 이수하고 f성적없이 평점평균이 3. 주소콘 - 인기사이트 주소를 실시간으로 안내 주소모음 링크모음 사이트

지금 바로 윤회 영어 알려주셈 학은제로 졸엊해서 2년동안 인서울 나온 사람들 보면 대부분 취엊 안 된다던데 방통다도 마찬가지 일까요. 단, 다음과 같은 경우에는 1과목 추가 신청이 가능합니다. 학은제해서 학사 맞춘다음에 천천히 길 찾아도 괜찮음. 간호학과는 3학년 편입학만 있음 방송대 간호학과 입학하려면 아마 전문대 간호관련학과 나오고 방통대 3학년 편입학 가능할거임. 이 글에서는 방통대 간호학과 2학년 편입에서 왜 그리고 어떻게 진로를 변경했는지 그 과정에서 고생했지만. 주유소 얼굴 디시

진리컴퍼니 벌칙 제 주위에도 많이들 정보를 수집하고 후기도 많이들 찾으시는 것 같아요. Com › gganggirl21 › 223805867634방송통신대학교 간호학과 재학생신입생편입생 필수 가이드. 로라입니다 오늘은 방통대 기말시험에 관련한 정보들을 싹 정리해보려고 해요 1. 전략기획과 최종수정일 2024년 09월 12일. 경영학과, 경제학과, 컴퓨터과학과, 농학과, 유아교육과, 청소년 교육과 등 학과별 한국방송통신대학교 졸업 후 진로에 대해서 알아보겠습니다.

주술회전 마키 엉덩이 방통대 다니면서 학사학위 취득하고 중고신입으로 취업하면 다른 경쟁자보다 우위에 설 수 있음. 이런거 처럼 다른과목으로 싹 채워도 되는건가요. 알려주셈 학은제로 졸엊해서 2년동안 인서울 나온 사람들 보면 대부분 취엊 안 된다던데 방통다도 마찬가지 일까요. 다른 학과를 보면 연령 범위가 굉장히 높았어요. 한국방송대 학부는 몇몇 자격증 이 취득 가능한 학과에 약간의 입학 경쟁률이 존재한다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.