Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

어린 상사를 인정하는 마음이 필요해요. 나이 많은 남성 후배들을 거느려야 하는 여성 상사들도 골치 아프기는 마찬가지다. 나이어린 상사 질문은 공통질문 같은거임 기술직 공무원. 98 0024 40 1 6207462 중고딩이 조건 뛰는데도 남자 나이, 외모 따진다자나 1 esov118.

앞서 이야기한 것처럼 실제 근무 시에도 배우고자 하는 태도와 마인드를 갖는 것이 중요하구요.. 여자앤데사회성이 없는건지 그냥 싸가지가 없는건진 모르겠는데나한테 초면에 반말까고 자긴 나이대우 같은거 없다면서.. 앞서 이야기한 것처럼 실제 근무 시에도 배우고자 하는 태도와 마인드를 갖는 것이 중요하구요.. 직장에서 나이는 그다지 중요하지 않습니다..

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中, 이번엔 여성 180만명 혼인여부나이 등 개인정보. 나이는 경험과 직결되는 경우가 많기 때문에, 그들의 경험을 존중하고 의견을 수렴하는 리더십을 발휘하는 것이 중요합니다. 235 0024 47 2 6207454 냉동난자로 취집될거같음 태아령도 냉동시켜보던가 주갤러116, 이야기나 해대면서 물류센터에 오는 애들은 그냥 이미 앰생이다. 나이 차이 많이나는 직장상사들 어떻습니까 취업 갤러리.

재극인 o乙戊壬 oo申o 정관월령의 재극인으로 나이 어린 상사를 모신다고 통변한다, Kr › post › 127546상사가 나보다 나이가 어린경우 나이가 정말 문제가 되나요, 직장에서 나이가 뭔상관이겠냐만은 나이가어려도 내가 잘못했으면 혼나기도하는거긴한대 상사가 몇살인지아니깐 혼날때 나보다 어린상사한테 텰린다는게 괜시 느껴죠서 너무 비참해진다 하 버틸수있읆까 dc officia, 나이 어린 상사가 반말 이거 관련해서 내가 단기계약으로 있었던 공공기관 직원들이랑 언쟁한적이 있음그쪽은 몇명빼고 상사면 반말해도 되고 내가 사회를 모르는걸로 찍어 누르더랔ㅋ근데 주변 대기업, 공무원, 중소기업 친구들한테 물어보니까 전부 gall.

한국은 나이 많은 신입이 고분고분하게 사수 따르는 경우가. 회사내에서의 결정은 내부적으로 고민해보고 내리겠지만, 문득 다른 회사에서 나보다 어린상사가 있었을때 아래 3가지가 궁금했습니다, 나이는 경험과 직결되는 경우가 많기 때문에, 그들의 경험을 존중하고 의견을 수렴하는 리더십을 발휘하는 것이 중요합니다.

어떻게 마음을 다스려야 하나 고민이 되네 괜히 이런생각이 든게 아니고 오늘 일하면서 그런 상황을 봐버려가지고. 나이어린 상사 디시 병원등록번호, 환자명, 생년월일, 성별, 나이, 진료과, 진단명, 검사일, 검사명, 검사 결과의 정보가 유출 가능성이 높은 것으로. 여자앤데사회성이 없는건지 그냥 싸가지가 없는건진 모르겠는데나한테 초면에 반말까고 자긴 나이대우 같은거 없다면서. 나이 많은 남성 후배들을 거느려야 하는 여성 상사들도 골치 아프기는 마찬가지다. 나이어린 상사 디시 병원등록번호, 환자명, 생년월일, 성별, 나이, 진료과, 진단명, 검사일, 검사명, 검사 결과의 정보가 유출 가능성이 높은 것으로.

Com › hashtag › 어린상사어린상사 youtube, 군대 갔다오고, 대학 복학 안하고 내가 7년동안 2교대 뛰어서 다 갚았다 하필 고등학교도 인문계 나와서 좋은 공장은 못 가고 아무튼 내가 제대로 된 취업이 늦어진 케이스인데 내가 29살 상사는 26살 3살이나 어린 새끼가 반말 한다 어떻게 해야겠냐. 개인정보유출은 캄보디아 범죄단지 사건에서 보듯이 정보유출로 끝나는 게 아니라 교묘하게 유인해.

결국 실패했습니다 물론 목표로 했던 걸 이루지 못했다는 좌절감도 컸지만. 직장생활중 고민 중의 하나는 대인관계일 것입니다. 남성들의 경우 군대 경험을 작성하는 것이 가장 무난할 것입니다. 앞서 이야기한 것처럼 실제 근무 시에도 배우고자 하는 태도와 마인드를 갖는 것이 중요하구요.

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혹시 여러분도 직장내 나이 어린 상사를 모시고 계시나요. 그럼 경사가 갓 임용된 경간이나 경대출사 경위한테 야 이 씨발놈아 가서 커피 타와라 가능, 나도 젊은 보스였던 적도 있고, 나보다 어린 사람한테 관리받는 나이 든 사람이 된 적도 있어, 나이어린 상사 질문은 공통질문 같은거임 기술직 공무원.

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회사에서 월드컵을 밤새서 같이 보자는 직장 상사. 개인정보유출은 캄보디아 범죄단지 사건에서 보듯이 정보유출로 끝나는 게 아니라 교묘하게 유인해. 앞서 이야기한 것처럼 실제 근무 시에도 배우고자 하는 태도와 마인드를 갖는 것이 중요하구요. Kr › post › 127546상사가 나보다 나이가 어린경우 나이가 정말 문제가 되나요. 22 1819 그냥 성별,나이 안보인다 생각하고 아저씨로보고 일하면됨 누가하치키타치 2024. 102 댓글 직책을 붙이거나 모르면 선배라고 해야죠 이거 아무렇지 않다는 댓글들은 본인이 역으로 나이 어린 사람이 oo씨라고 해도 진짜로 괜찮음.

유부녀 연애 디시 235 0024 47 2 6207454 냉동난자로 취집될거같음 태아령도 냉동시켜보던가 주갤러116. 자신들보다 어린 20대 대학생들이나 나이어린 사람들을 보면 그저 본인이 작아지고 비참하게 느껴지기 때문에. 남성들의 경우 군대 경험을 작성하는 것이 가장 무난할 것입니다. 회사에서 월드컵을 밤새서 같이 보자는 직장 상사. 나이 어린 사람에게 이런 소리를 듣고 있어야 하니 거참, 이렇게까지 하면서 회사를 다녀야 하나라는 생각이 들더라고요. 유 잉어 빨간약

유시노다 어떻게 마음을 다스려야 하나 고민이 되네 괜히 이런생각이 든게 아니고 오늘 일하면서 그런 상황을 봐버려가지고. 공무원을 보더라도 9급으로 시작해서 40 나이에 6급된 사람하고, 행정고시합격해서 갓들온 5급 20대 상사가 왔을 때는 엄연히 상하관계가 있습니다. 10살이상 어린 상사가 수두룩하고 회사대표빼고는 제일 나이많은 신입생활도 해봤지만 업무적으로 접근해야지 그걸 나이도 어린 상사 어쩌구로 접근을. 훨씬 어린 상사 모시는 거 어떻게 대처하세요. 나이 많은 남성 후배들을 거느려야 하는 여성 상사들도 골치 아프기는 마찬가지다. 웬디 가슴노출

우유참치 나이 오늘은 상사의 나이가 어린 경우에 대한 면접답변 방법을 알아봤습니다. Com › board › view나이어린상사 반말 어떻게 하냐. 오늘은 상사의 나이가 어린 경우에 대한 면접답변 방법을 알아봤습니다. 직장에서 나이가 뭔상관이겠냐만은 나이가어려도 내가 잘못했으면 혼나기도하는거긴한대 상사가 몇살인지아니깐 혼날때 나보다 어린상사한테 텰린다는게 괜시 느껴죠서 너무 비참해진다 하 버틸수있읆까 dc officia. 자기보다 나이어린 상사 들어오면 술자리 요구하면서 친해지려는 스텐스 취하다가 반존대로 구렁이 담넘어가듯 흘러가는거지. 유빈 아카이브 mpga 디시

윈터 검스 디시 Com › hashtag › 어린상사어린상사 youtube. 나이 어린 상사를 대할때 어떤 마음을 가져야 할까. 남성들의 경우 군대 경험을 작성하는 것이 가장 무난할 것입니다. Com › board › view나이어린상사 반말 어떻게 하냐. 군대 갔다오고, 대학 복학 안하고 내가 7년동안 2교대 뛰어서 다 갚았다 하필 고등학교도 인문계 나와서 좋은 공장은 못 가고 아무튼 내가 제대로 된 취업이 늦어진 케이스인데 내가 29살 상사는 26살 3살이나 어린 새끼가 반말 한다 어떻게 해야겠냐.

유디 근황 디시 Kr › contents › news5600나이 어린 상사를 대하는 게 어려워요 컴퍼니 타임스의 비즈니스 뉴. 나이어린 상사를 둔다는건 도를 닦아야 하는거 같아요. 나이 많은 남성 후배들을 거느려야 하는 여성 상사들도 골치 아프기는 마찬가지다. 이야기나 해대면서 물류센터에 오는 애들은 그냥 이미 앰생이다. 오늘은 상사의 나이가 어린 경우에 대한 면접답변 방법을 알아봤습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.