Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Org › zhtw › 天才电视君天才電視君 維基百科，自由的百科全書. 這首歌是由節目常客tv senshi的孩子們演唱的，suis也參與了一些演唱。 □首播時間4月6日 read more. 穿越到干國北封郡魏縣，成為青雲觀最後一名道士。這一脈的道術有些難練，李言初只想打坐煉丹，早日修仙成功。可道觀中除了一頭黑驢，沒有餘財。要恰飯的李言初，只好戴上指 read more. Com › news › detailnbuna「天才てれびくんhello,」テーマソングcdリリースのお知ら.

아이돌 서유라

아키 짱

Nhk 教育电视「天齐特美君」（motoki ohmori） nhk 教育电视「天斋光君」 播出日期和时间：2025年4月22日（星期二）1730 节目中将播放motoki ohmori本人演奏的吉他、贝斯和鼓的录音，以及惊喜现身担任声乐指导的电视勇士的录音片段。 官方网站 s. Nbuna但全新創作的新歌《mata tomorrow》和. Nbuna但全新創作的新歌《mata tomorrow》和. Nbuna 宣布发行《天斋tv君你好》主题曲cd。 2021, Nhk 教育電視天齋手禮君（ryoka fujisawa）.

아즈키 결혼

《天才兒童max》（天才てれびくんmax）或稱為《天才電視小組max》，是nhk教育頻道與nhk世界台針對兒童與青少年所播放的兒童電視節目，主要內容是由被稱為「tv戰士」的 read more. 《貧道略通拳腳》by 九月當歸 免費小說在線閱讀網. 000 video, pembaruan harian, tanpa iklan saat memutar video.

Org › zhtw › 天才电视君天才電視君 維基百科，自由的百科全書. Nhk 教育電視天齋手禮君（ryoka fujisawa）, Situs porno av jepang terbaik, gratis selamanya, kecepatan tinggi, tanpa jeda, lebih dari 100. Com › news › detailnbuna「天才てれびくんhello,」テーマソングcdリリースのお知ら.

Com › news › detailyorushika nbuna為新節目《天齋tv君你好》創作了片尾曲。. 它不僅指物質上的給予，更涵蓋法義傳 授、身體力行乃至生命資源的分享，集中體現了道教濟 世利人、齊同慈愛的核心精神。 《太上洞玄靈寶業報因緣經佈施品》 read more, Javtube tokyo porn tube japan agesage sex video xxx movie mega gallery collection. Tidak termasuk nonkesenangan, tidak perlu meminta pengembalian dana, Wehome is the unique legal and local home sharing endorsed by the korean government, Situs porno av jepang terbaik, gratis selamanya, kecepatan tinggi, tanpa jeda, lebih dari 100.

아오야마 히카루 꼭지

Com › news › detailnbuna「天才てれびくんhello,」テーマソングcdリリースのお知ら.. Yorushika nbuna為新節目《天齋tv君你好》創作了片尾.. 截至目前，备受关注的开年历史大剧《太平年》最大的话题恐怕就是观看门槛。我们或可称之为——门槛剧。至于是帝王将相的千年铁门槛，还是祥林嫂捐来让众人踩踏的门槛， read more..

Yorushika nbuna為新節目《天齋tv君你好》創作了片尾. Nhk教育電視「天齊手雷君」（ryoka fujisawa） 播出日期及時間：2025年5月12日（週一）1730～ ▽官方網站 s. Situs porno av jepang terbaik, gratis selamanya, kecepatan tinggi, tanpa jeda, lebih dari 100.

아해가오

Trang web khiêu dâm av tốt nhất của nhật bản, miễn phí mãi mãi, tốc độ cao, không có độ trễ, hơn 100. 司马相如琴挑卓文君，在琴史上传为佳话。在四川的东汉时期墓葬中，能见到大量的抚琴佣。与其他地方抚琴佣正襟危坐表情严肃不同，川抚琴佣多 read more. Nbuna但全新創作的新歌《mata tomorrow》和. Com › news › detailnhk 教育电视「天斋光君」（motoki ohmori）mrs, Tidak termasuk nonkesenangan, tidak perlu meminta pengembalian dana.

Welcome home, wehome. 截至目前，备受关注的开年历史大剧《太平年》最大的话题恐怕就是观看门槛。我们或可称之为——门槛剧。至于是帝王将相的千年铁门槛，还是祥林嫂捐来让众人踩踏的门槛， read more, Org › wiki › 天才电视君天才电视君 维基百科，自由的百科全书. Com › news › detailnhk 教育電視天齋光君（motoki ohmori）mrs.

아칼렛 Nhk教育電視「天齊手雷君」（ryoka fujisawa） nhk教育電視「天齊手雷君」（ryoka fujisawa） 播出日期及時間：2025年5月12日（週一）1730～ 官方網站 s. Nbuna但全新創作的新歌《mata tomorrow》和. Org › wiki › 天才电视君天才电视君 维基百科，自由的百科全书. Fc2ppv3966770 演出《天齋君》的前輩後輩的珍貴影片。除非您喜歡，否則請不要購買○。 missav. Situs porno av jepang terbaik, gratis selamanya, kecepatan tinggi, tanpa jeda, lebih dari 100. 아키하바라 돈키호테 디시

아이온2 명중 디시 Trang web khiêu dâm av tốt nhất của nhật bản, miễn phí mãi mãi, tốc độ cao, không có độ trễ, hơn 100. 目次 1 都官郎官上殿劄子 2 輪對陳人君法天劄子 3 輪對陳人君用人劄子 4 輪對陳人君宜納諌劄子 5 輪對陳人君宜勤於好問劄子 6 輪對陳人君宜崇大節劄 read more. 它不僅指物質上的給予，更涵蓋法義傳 授、身體力行乃至生命資源的分享，集中體現了道教濟 世利人、齊同慈愛的核心精神。 《太上洞玄靈寶業報因緣經佈施品》 read more. 21 yorushika nbuna负责``天才tv君你好，》 结尾主题 光盘发布但7本月7日决定。 电视战士除了演唱的片尾曲《hello hello》之外， nbuna但全新创作的新歌《mata tomorrow》和各卡拉ok版本。 将被记录。. Nbuna 宣布發行《天齋tv君你好》主題曲cd。 2021. 아이돌 보지노출

아이온2 폰 디시 You can stay at wehome more safely than airbnb with lots of illegal properties in korea. Fc2ppv3966770 演出《天齋君》的前輩後輩的珍貴影片。. Nhk 教育電視「天齋光君」 播出日期與時間：2025年4月22日（星期二）1730 節目中將播放motoki ohmori本人演奏的吉他、貝斯和鼓的錄音，以及驚喜現身擔任聲樂指導的電視. Com › news › detailnbuna 宣布發行《天齋tv君你好》主題曲cd。. Fc2ppv3966770 isang bihirang video ng isang senior at junior na idinirek ni tensaikun. 아프리카 ㄲㄴ

아이온2 인기 디시 You can stay at wehome more safely than airbnb with lots of illegal properties in korea. 它不僅指物質上的給予，更涵蓋法義傳 授、身體力行乃至生命資源的分享，集中體現了道教濟 世利人、齊同慈愛的核心精神。 《太上洞玄靈寶業報因緣經佈施品》 read more. 它不僅指物質上的給予，更涵蓋法義傳 授、身體力行乃至生命資源的分享，集中體現了道教濟 世利人、齊同慈愛的核心精神。 《太上洞玄靈寶業報因緣經佈施品》 read more. Nbuna 宣布发行《天斋tv君你好》主题曲cd。 2021. 帶領攀岩之神alex 體驗書法， 他發現原來書法比攀岩101 難.

아이유 정치색 디시 帶領攀岩之神alex 體驗書法， 他發現原來書法比攀岩101 難. Fc2ppv3966770 isang bihirang video ng isang senior at junior na idinirek ni tensaikun. 司马相如琴挑卓文君，在琴史上传为佳话。在四川的东汉时期墓葬中，能见到大量的抚琴佣。与其他地方抚琴佣正襟危坐表情严肃不同，川抚琴佣多 read more. In addition to your safety, wehome is over airbnb with prompt local customer support, lower service fee, flexible. 000 video, cập nhật hàng ngày, không có quảng cáo trong khi phát video.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.