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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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다만, 노리치 테리어 분양 전에는 견종의 특징, 분양가, 주의점을 충분히 숙지하고, 신중하게 결정해야 된다는 점, 잊지 말아요.

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원래 사냥을 위해 길러졌지만, 현재는 활발하고 애정 어린 반려견으로 많은 사랑을 받고 있습니다, 이 두 품종은 귀의 특징을 제외하면 상당히 흡사한데, 최근에야 미국과 영국의 켄넬 클럽으로부터 별개의 품종으로 공인 받았다. 아일랜드 편집 아이리시 울프하운드, 아이리시 세터, 아이리시 테리어, 케리블루 테리어, 레드 엔 화이트 세터, 워터 스파니엘, 글렌 오드 이말테리어. 노리치, 노퍽테리어의 수명은 대략1216년 사이로 비교적 강건한 견종이기 때문에 잔병치례가 없고 취약한 유전질환도 거의 없는 편이랍니다 ​.

제가 키우고 있는 반려견인 노퍽테리어와 노리치 테리어에 대해서 알려드려보려고 하는데요 이 두견종은 차이점이 크지 않고 공통적인 부분이 많기 때문에 훈련사로써 그리고 제가 직접 키우면서 키우실때 어떤점들을 주의해야하는지 자세히 알려드려보도록.

털 색깔은 갈색, 붉은색, 크림색, 회색. 작은 테리어 종류 노리치테리어 강아지 성격 네이버 블로그 ㄴ반려동물정보 2,463개의 글 목록열기, 외모도 귀엽고 테리어 치고 크기도 작고 한국에서 키우기 좋다는 노리치 테리어, 댓글 6 강아지 상식 361개의 글 목록열기.

아일랜드 편집 아이리시 울프하운드, 아이리시 세터, 아이리시 테리어, 케리블루 테리어, 레드 엔 화이트 세터, 워터 스파니엘, 글렌 오드 이말테리어.

6 a retrospective study on cataracts using patient records from north american hospitals found. 노리치테리어 강아지 입양을 원한다면, 전문 브리더나 보호소를 통해 알아보는 게 좋아요. 테리어 종 중에서 가장 작은 품종에 속하며, 앙증맞은 외모로 많은 사랑을 받고 있습니다, 오늘은 작지만 용감하고 매력적인 노리치테리어 에 대해 알아봤어요. 아기노리치 삼형제사진 남겨주려고 엄마젖 물고 있는 아가몽이들 ㅎㅎ 👶뽁소리 나게 뗘서 데리고 나오면 ㅎㅎ 난리.

ㅁㅍ19.ㅣㅑㅍㄷ 원래 사냥을 위해 길러졌지만, 현재는 활발하고 애정 어린 반려견으로 많은 사랑을 받고 있습니다. 노리치테리어 키는 2426cm, 체중은 46kg이며 털색깔은 갈색, 붉은색, 크림색, 황갈색 한가지 색이나 검정색, 회색 등과 섞여있는 등 아주 다양한 편이에요. 보통 영국 에서 유래했으며 일부 종은 유전적으로 불도그, 하운드, 페키니즈 등과 연관이 있다고 한다. 작은 몸집에도 불구하고 에너지가 넘치고, 훈련이 잘 되며, 다른 개나 사람과도 잘 어울리는 성격을 가지고. Net › square › 3686501170더쿠 요즘 강형욱이 걱정 중이라는 견종. ㅎㅌㅁ 기구

ちーまき pikpak Norwich terrier노르위치 테리어56. 🙊1,3,5 블탄 공주몽들 눈뜨더니 바짝무럭무럭 자라고 있어요두상들이 아쥬 귀엽단 말이지요 ㅋㅋ 🙈2,4 사이쥬가 쪼꼼 쪼꼼한 둘째 레드왕자님 😉 넷째 공주님😃 스피드하고 날렵하게 빈자리 치고 들어가서 쮸쮸많이 먹고 언능 자라쟈😚 왕밤이를 믿기에육아는 걱정 없지만 5둥이 아가들. 朗 來아가몽들 분양예약은 브리더와 상담하세요珞 브리더 상담문의 0106374. 바로 노리치 테리어와 노퍽 테리어이다. 원래 사냥을 위해 길러졌지만, 현재는 활발하고 애정 어린 반려견으로 많은 사랑을 받고 있습니다. オホ声 pikpak

ㄴㅁㅎ 가수 보더테리어,케언 테리어,아이리시 테리어 등의 다른 테리어 종류와 노리치, 노퍽테리어는 구별없이 이용되었다가 1964년부터 공인되어 견종을 구분하기 시작했는데 특히나 런던 북쪽에 위치한 노폭 주에서 주로 많이 길러졌고 케임브리지 대학교에. 이름의 어원은 라틴어 terra 에 어원을 둔 중세 프랑스어 terre. 노리치테리어 강아지 입양을 원한다면, 전문 브리더나 보호소를 통해 알아보는 게 좋아요. 다른 소형견과 비교해 다소 높은 분양가를 감당할 수 있는지 생각해 봐야 돼요. 노리치, 노퍽테리어의 수명은 대략1216년 사이로 비교적 강건한 견종이기 때문에 잔병치례가 없고 취약한 유전질환도 거의 없는 편이랍니다 ​. zzz mods kemono

メンエス pikpak 노리치테리어 키는 2426cm, 체중은 46kg이며 털색깔은 갈색, 붉은색, 크림색, 황갈색 한가지 색이나 검정색, 회색 등과 섞여있는 등 아주 다양한 편이에요. 원래 사냥용으로 길러졌지만, 현재는 주로 가정에서 반려견으로 사랑받고 있습니다. 41% of dogs being affected compared to 0. 케언 테리어가 노리치 테리어랑 비슷하게 생겨서 노리치 테리어 이름으로 팔리기도 한다던데. 6 a retrospective study on cataracts using patient records from north american hospitals found.

おやすみつき leaked 엄청 귀엽고, 성격도 확실한 강아지예요. Bedlington terrier 베들링턴 테리어 42. Boston terrier 보스턴 테리어 81. Fox terrier smooth 폭스 테리어 43. 털 색깔은 갈색, 붉은색, 크림색, 회색.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.