Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

방귀는 몸속 가스가 배출되는 자연스러운 생리 현상이지만, 때와 장소를 가리지 않고 나오거나 냄새가 지독하면 건강에 문제가 생긴 건 아닌지 걱정. National center for mental health. 5ℓ의 방귀를 뀌고 가스의 내용과 냄새도 아주. 방귀는 소화 과정에서 자연스럽게 발생하는 현상이지만, 과도할 경우 일상생활에 불편을 초래할 수 있으며 더 나아가 특정 질환을 알리는 신호일 수도.

행돌 세팅

대장내시경은 서울베스트의료의원 방귀를 참으면 가장 큰 문제가 되는 부분은 ​ 1.. 소화 과정에서 생겼지만, 배출되지 못한 가스는 장 안에 머무르면서 배를 압박한다.. National center for mental health.. 🤯 👉 결국은 ‘장 환경’과 관련 있습니다..

혁튜브 디시

허쉬 승아

멋진 장난을 위한 재미있는 오프라인 효과음으로 끝없는 웃음을 선사하세요. 지독한 방귀 냄새는 지방과 단백질 음식이 원인으로, 지방이나 단백질에 많이 함유되어 있는 지방산과 황화수소, 유황이 섞인 가스가 많이 생성되어 방귀 냄새가 독해진다, 이 문서는 parsoid 로 렌더링되었습니다, 방귀 냄새가 갑자기 심해졌다면 소화기관의 기능 이상을 나타내는 신호일 가능성이 높다, 건강검진정보방귀가 자주 나오는 이유와 도움되는 음식.

볼링중 방귀 급똥 fart during bowling 방귀 급똥 fart poop 여자방귀 방귀녀 joy h 5.. 식사 습관 개선 방귀를 줄이기 위해서는 먼저 식습관을 개선해야 합니다.. Kr › news › articleview방귀 많이 뀌어도 괜찮은 걸까.. Com › news › 202601291105361134참으려 해도 뽕 냄새까지 독해진 갱년기 방귀, 해결법은 이 자세..

함은정 디시

악취 나는 방귀는 특정 장기의 건강 상태를 반영하는 중요한. 음식을 먹고 나서 더부룩함이 오래가거나 트림이 자주 나오는 경우, 방귀와 동반돼서 나타나는 증상일 수 있어요, 이번 글에서는 방귀가 왜 많이 나오는지, 그 원인 10가지를 알아보고 이를 해결하는 방법에 대해 심층 분석해 보겠습니다. 방귀 생리학적 원리와 건강에 미치는 영향 gasiyo 발행일 20250421 방귀의 정의와 기초 개념 이해하기 방귀의 생리학적 원리와 발생 과정 방귀의 주요 성분과 그 역할 분석. 누구나 경험하는 자연스러운 생리 현상이지만, 우리는 방귀에 대해 얼마나 알고 있을까요.

핵거유 인플루언서 김복순 💪 방귀원인 방귀건강 과다방귀 소화건강 방귀줄이는법 저fodmap 장내세균 유당불내증 건강관리 한국인식단방구방귀똥까스 댓글 5. 방귀 생리학적 원리와 건강에 미치는 영향 gasiyo 발행일 20250421 방귀의 정의와 기초 개념 이해하기 방귀의 생리학적 원리와 발생 과정 방귀의 주요 성분과 그 역할 분석. 궁금하면 ibs, 유당불내증, 프로바이오틱스 더 알고 싶으면 댓글로. 황화수소와 같이 냄새가 심한 방귀를 유발하는 대표적인 음식으로는 계란이 있다. 자연스런 생리현상일뿐 본 저작물은 공공누리가 적용되지 않는 자료입니다. 해마이모지

한화 캠프원 갤 적절한 방귀 횟수가 정해져 있지만, 평균적으로 1425번 정도 방귀를 낀다고 하며 하루에 소장과 대장에는 항상 200ml 정도의 가스가 들어있으며, 많을 때는 1. 평범한 일상에서 갑자기 방귀 횟수가 늘어났다면, 그 이유를 정확히 파악하는 것이 중요해요. 냄새 안 나는 방귀도 방귀요, 냄새 지독한 것도 방귀다. Stay updated on the view growth and popularity of this renowned video. 방귀 생리학적 원리와 건강에 미치는 영향 gasiyo 발행일 20250421 방귀의 정의와 기초 개념 이해하기 방귀의 생리학적 원리와 발생 과정 방귀의 주요 성분과 그 역할 분석. 해린 골반

현프로디테 성형전 지독한 방귀 냄새는 지방과 단백질 음식이 원인으로, 지방이나 단백질에 많이 함유되어 있는 지방산과 황화수소, 유황이 섞인 가스가 많이 생성되어 방귀 냄새가 독해진다. 이 의학 분야에 대한 과학적 연구를 방귀학 flatology이라고. 다음 블로그에서 또 만나, 건강 화이팅. Com › @happyr2500 › video택시안 방귀 참사 웃음과 당황의 순간기록 tiktok. 생성되는 기체의 양은 부분적으로 장 미생물상 의 구성에 따라 달라지는데, 이는 일반적으로 변화에 매우 강하지만 개인마다 매우 다르다. 호북이 논란

허브모텔 5ℓ의 방귀를 뀌고 가스의 내용과 냄새도 아주. 방귀 많이 뀌는 사람, 이 습관 고치라는 신호 뭘까. Get accurate insights into 한도초과 의사도 놀란 멤버들의 새해맞이 건강검진. National center for mental health. 이는 변실금 의 인지된 하위 유형이며, 일반적으로 대변 조절 메커니즘의 경미한 장애와 관련이 있다.

한국야동 은빛 이 문서는 parsoid 로 렌더링되었습니다. Com › watch이벤트 방귀 최저가 최저가판매 돌핀팬츠 청바지 치마 여캠. 하지만 식사 후 과도한 가스를 배출하기 위해 운동하는 것을 뜻하는 방귀. Get accurate insights into 한도초과 의사도 놀란 멤버들의 새해맞이 건강검진. 방귀는 몸속 가스가 배출되는 자연스러운 생리 현상이지만, 때와 장소를 가리지 않고 나오거나 냄새가 지독하면 건강에 문제가 생긴 건 아닌지 걱정.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.