지하철 끝에앉아있는데 쫌 허리를 밑으로떨어트리고 앉아있었는데 꾸리꾸리한 냄새가 나서 옆에보니깐 여자분이 봉을 기대고 서있는데 엉덩이가 제 얼굴방향으로.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

딱 두번 맡아본적 있음 고딩때 한번 재수학원에서 한번 지나간 자리에서도 나더라ㅜㅜ 씻으면 안나는거 같음. 보디빌더 출신 유튜버 박승현이 사과문을 올렸다. 6y 최유진 김다현 이거 ㄹㅇ 개공감가능함 가끔 퇴근길 지하철에서 맨끝에 앉았는데 존나 가까운데서 개꾸리하고찌리고비린내나서 냄새나는쪽 쳐다보니까 여자엉덩이 내 얼굴 바로옆에있었음 그사람 내리자마자 지하철냄새 존나 클린해짐 ㄹㅇ죽는줄 6y 최은정. 생리 전후에 악취가 나는 분비물 무슨 일이 일어나고 있는 걸까요.

그쪽에서 서서 가고있는데 생리냄새가 아주 심하게 났음 여자.. 생리 냄새는 자연스러운 현상이지만, 적절한 관리로 완화할 수 있음.. 1 18 ㄹㅇ사주가 진짜 신기하긴 신기하더라ㅋㅋ나 거즘 다 맞았어 19 키 160이라고 하는 익들 실제론 키 몇이야..

잡담 지하철 끝에 앉아있는데 여자분 항문냄새가 너무나네요.

생리 냄새의 원인 자체는 생리혈이지만, 생리혈 자체만으로는 심한 냄새를 발생시키지 않습니다.

나 고3때 지하철 타고 가는데 저런적 있었음 전공 시험 죽쓰고 스트레스 만땅이었는데 진심그날 갑자기 터진거임 양도 많고 오버나이트 붙여서 걍 무심코 허리아프니까 앉아서 갔는데 내릴때 되서 일어나는데 옆자리 아줌마가 학생생리 닦고가 이러시는 거임.

Com › view › 20260130n01457지하철 타더니 휴대전화 보며 라면 후루룩&mldr, 생리 냄새 심해짐 현상을 완화하기 위한 구체적인 대처법까지 함께 정리했습니다, 그쪽에서 서서 가고있는데 생리냄새가 아주 심하게 났음 여자. 지하철 객실 안에서 컵라면을 먹는 승객을 촬영한 영상이 온라인에서 확산되며 누리꾼들의 공분을 사고 있다. 옆좌석에서 김밥 먹는데 진짜 냄새가 원래 아기 키우면 자기 아기한테는 한없이 관대해지고 주변사람에겐 둔감해지는건가요.

Com › entiz › read여름에 생리하는거 냄새나겠죠. 생리 냄새의 원인 자체는 생리혈이지만, 생리혈 자체만으로는 심한 냄새를 발생시키지 않습니다. 여름이면 지하철 타기 싫다는 사람들이 많다. 1 18 ㄹㅇ사주가 진짜 신기하긴 신기하더라ㅋㅋ나 거즘 다 맞았어 19 키 160이라고 하는 익들 실제론 키 몇이야, 27일 한 sns 플랫폼에는 열차 내 취식을 지적하는 내용의 글과 함께 영상이 올라왔습니다. 여자친구도 봐왔고 친구한테도 들은 이야기지만 갑자기 날짜가 아닌데도 불쑥 생리가 시작되는 경우가 있다고 합니다.

내 생리냄새야 갈때 당연히 맡는데혹시 남이 맡을까 걱정되는 특히 지금같은 여름이면ㅠ34시간에 한번씩 갈긴해도 양많을땐 갈때 피냄새 장난아니고부끄러워서 엄마한테만 물어봤는데 안.. 딱 두번 맡아본적 있음 고딩때 한번 재수학원에서 한번 지나간 자리에서도 나더라ㅜㅜ 씻으면 안나는거 같음.. 블라인드 블라블라 지하철서 똥방구 꼈는데..

10 있음 살면서 딱 두명 참고로 나 좀 예민한편 작성자치어 작성시간24. 27일 한 sns 플랫폼에는 열차 내 취식을 지적하는 내용의 글과 함께 영상이 올라왔습니다, 생리대는 23시간마다 교체하고, 외음부 위생을 철저히 관리하기, 박승현은 11일 자신의 인스타그램에 생리 냄새 좋아한다 발언에 대해 역겨움과 불쾌감을 드려 죄송합니다.

Com › Talk › 324555161생리하는 년들 지하철 민폐 甲.

향을 냄새로 덮으면 나중에는 더 역한 냄새. 개코아닌 저도 화장실 들어가면 앞 사람이 생리했구나 하는 냄새 나던데요. 생리 냄새 유난히 더 나는 이유가 있나요, Net › name › 36607358지하철에 ㅅㄹ 냄새 미치게 나와 인스티즈 instiz 일상 카테고. 생리냄새 제거, 디어루시 블랙에디션 한방울로 해결, 더워지는 날씨 탓도 있지만, 여름마다 타인의 땀 냄새에 고약한 악취까지 맡아야 하기 때문이다.

이신 버튜버 빨간약 오늘은 한 커뮤니티 익명 글 사연에서 착안한 주제입니다. Com › instiz › posts인스티즈 instiz 여친의 생리냄새 instiz. Com › entiz › read여름에 생리하는거 냄새나겠죠. 여자친구도 봐왔고 친구한테도 들은 이야기지만 갑자기 날짜가 아닌데도 불쑥 생리가 시작되는 경우가 있다고 합니다. 서울교통공사는 이를 통해 악취를 없애고 청결을 유지해 시민이 더욱 쾌적한 화장실을 이용하게 하자는 취지에서 시작했다. 이와라 근황

이태원 이쪽 술집 30일 sns에는 학생으로 추정되는 한 승객이 지하철 객실 안에서 컵라면을 먹는 영상이 확산되며 네티즌의 공분을 사고 있다. 박승현은 11일 자신의 인스타그램에 생리 냄새 좋아한다 발언에 대해 역겨움과 불쾌감을 드려 죄송합니다. 생리 냄새의 원인 자체는 생리혈이지만, 생리혈 자체만으로는 심한 냄새를 발생시키지 않습니다. 디어루시 블랙에디션은 향으로 생리냄새를 덮는 형식이 아닌 탈취효과로 생리냄새 제거 효과가 있어 좋은데요. 댓글 68 댓글쓰기 답글쓰기 댓글 리스트 작성자정신들체리세요 국산 작성시간24. 이타 화보

이세돌 야스 냄새 나 vs 얼마나 배고팠겠나 당신 생각은. 지하철 객실 안에서 컵라면을 먹는 승객을 촬영한 영상이 온라인에서 확산되며 누리꾼들의 공분을 사고 있다. 10대 이야기 10대의성 어제 고속버스를 탔는데 맨뒤좌석에 여학생들이 6명인가 7명인가 우르르 타고 있었음. Net › name › 36607358지하철에 ㅅㄹ 냄새 미치게 나와 인스티즈 instiz 일상 카테고. 어제 고속버스를 탔는데 맨뒤좌석에 여학생들이 6명인가 7명인가 우르르 타고 있었음. 이시카와 사토미

이슬이야동 Com › kokr › news지하철 안에서 식사&mldr. 지하철 객실 안에서 컵라면을 먹는 승객을 촬영한 영상이 온라인에서 확산되며 누리꾼들의 공분을 사고 있다. 질병정보 건강정보 계명대학교 동산병원. 블라인드 블라블라 지하철서 똥방구 꼈는데. Com › free › 458274141방금 지하철 탔는데 생리 냄새 자유게시판 코인판.

이연진 치어리더 남친 대체로 남의 생리냄새가 난다고 느낀적은 없지만 화장실 가면 솔직히 나지 않나요. 냄새 나 vs 얼마나 배고팠겠나 당신 생각은. 냄새가 생리 기간에만 국한되지 않는다는 것을 눈치채셨을 겁니다. 생리냄새 제거, 디어루시 블랙에디션 한방울로 해결. 생리냄새 제거, 디어루시 블랙에디션 한방울로 해결.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.