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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2016년 7월 10일 tv조선 마이웨이에 출연하여 근황과 심정을 공개했다. 국민 mc 유재석이 프로군단 합류를 확정 지어 기대를 모았다. 결론부터 말하면 유재석과는 완전히 무관한 일이다. Kr › news › articleview유재석이 프로포폴을.

딱봐도 짜리시 돌고있는거보면 유재석 타킷으로 지어낸거 뻔히 보이는데 지어낸놈은 그렇다 하더라도 그걸 믿는 사람들이 더 신기하네요 ㅋㅋㅋ 걍 디씨나 일베애들이 유갈비 유xx 하면서 그냥 흡집내듯 까는거중 하나일뿐인데 수많은 인터넷 똥글중 하나일뿐인데.

람보짬보 추천0조회2,316리플 글번호 331127 1237 ip 175.. 프로포폴 공판 도중 연예인 a씨김제동와 a씨안재석원장가 언급됨..

한때 디시인사이드를 중심으로 유재석이 프로포폴을 했다는 찌라시가 돌고 있다는 카더라가 퍼진 적이 있었고 유재석.

디시인사이드의 베스트 갤러리에서 다양한 주제를 다룬 게시글을 확인할 수 있습니다.. 불리는 범죄사건을 주로 다루고있다 특히 그만큼 높으신분들이라면 구하기 쉬운 사실상 중독성도 빠른 우유주사 일명 프로포롤 마약사범이 증가하는걸 확실하게 풍자하고 비판해줬던 숨겨진 띵작 한국영화..

이러한 사연으로 인해 과거 유재석 프로포폴 사건이 재조명되고 있습니다.

이에 유재석 역시 그동안 예능식으로 대응하던 방식에서 완전히 다른 분위기로 자신의 입장을 분명하게 밝혔습니다.

한때 디시인사이드를 중심으로 유재석이 프로포폴을 했다는 찌라시가 돌고 있다는 카더라가 퍼진 적이 있었고 유재석, 합계 투약량이 4400 밀리리터가 넘는다고 경찰에 밝혔다라고 보도했다. 특히 유아인은 최근 프로포폴 투약과 대마 흡입 혐의에 이어 제3의 마약류 성분도 검출됐다고 알려진 바. 송승헌 이새끼는 뺑끼쓰다가 걸려서 군대 쳐가놓고 지금 송승헌 군시절 박물관 이딴걸로 돈벌고 있는거보면 진짜 어이가없다, 유재석은 2월 15일 진행된 팟캐스트 송은이&김숙의 비밀 보장 400, 그게 프로포폴이라고 연예인들이 많이 맞는다는 주사제다 dc app 이미지 마약범죄수사관 인터뷰하다 취조받은 유재석 조세호.

나는 유재석 그렇게 좋아하는건 아닌데착한거같긴한데 뭐 착한거랑 프로포폴중독이랑 별개겠지만박시연 현영처럼 주사바늘이 주근깨가 될정도로 쳐맞은게 아니면 별감흥없을듯좋아하는사람들이 오히려.

결론부터 말하면 유재석과는 완전히 무관한 일이다, 이재용이 7000만원 쓰는 느낌은 일반인이 700만원 쓰는 느낌일 듯, 디시인사이드의 베스트 갤러리에서 다양한 주제를 다룬 게시글을 확인할 수 있습니다. 마약범죄수사관 인터뷰하다 취조받은 유재석 조세호.

A씨는 3월부터 5월까지 케타민을 여러 차례 구입해 투약했고, 체포 후 석방된 당일 read more. 발표하니깐 오히려 유재석이 프로포폴로 잡히면 사회적 파장이 클 것을 우려해 덮으려했다는 찌라시가 또 돔, 2016년 7월 10일 tv조선 마이웨이에 출연하여 근황과 심정을 공개했다. 쓸모없는 여경들 ㅈㄴ고용해놔서 안 그래도 인력 부족한데 마약 범죄 read more. 유재석은 2월 15일 진행된 팟캐스트 송은이&김숙의 비밀 보장 400. 프로포폴 연예인 조사과정에서 김제동 투약사실이 언급됨 불법으로 지정되기 이전이라 불기소연예인들 실명이 언급된 당시 재판기록 기사.

손밍 엑셀 대한항공은 미국 보잉 차세대 고효율 항공기 103대를 추가 도입한다고 26일 밝혔다. 한때 디시인사이드를 중심으로 유재석이 프로포폴을 했다는 거짓소문이 퍼진 적이 있었고 여러 커뮤니티 등을 시작으로 뉴스 기사마다 유로포폴이라는. 근데 이름이 유재석이랑 같다고 유재석 프로포폴이라는 찌라시가 탄생. 프로포폴 연예인 조사과정에서 김제동 투약사실이 언급됨 불법으로 지정되기 이전이라 불기소연예인들 실명이 언급된 당시 재판기록 기사. 2014년 10월에 gdragon 과 미즈하라 키코 의 데이트 기사를 냈다. 세토칸나 유튜브

섹시보지 프로포폴 연예인 조사과정에서 김제동 투약사실이 언급됨 불법으로 지정되기 이전이라 불기소연예인들 실명이 언급된 당시 재판기록 기사. Com › mlbpark › b프로포폴 유재석 이거 믿는 사람이 있었다는게 더 신기하네요 ㅋㅋㅋ m. Ge에어로스페이스로부터 항공기 예비 엔진을 구매하고, 엔진 정비 read more. 유재석은 2월 15일 진행된 팟캐스트 송은이&김숙의 비밀 보장 400. 65 가 가 딱봐도 짜리시 돌고있는거보면 유재석 타킷으로 지어낸거 뻔히 보이는데 지어낸놈은 그렇다 하더라도 그걸 믿는 사람들이 더 신기하네요 ㅋㅋㅋ 걍 디씨나 일베애들이 유갈비 유xx 하면서 그냥 흡집내듯 까는거중 하나일. 숏폼 드라마 다시 보기 사이트 디시

수지야동 한미 정상회담 앞 방미 김정관 산업부 장관. 안 모씨는 현영, a 등의 프로포폴 투약에 대해 상세히 기억했고, 망설임 없이 진술했다. 특히 유아인은 최근 프로포폴 투약과 대마 흡입 혐의에 이어 제3의 마약류 성분도 검출됐다고 알려진 바. 한때 디시인사이드를 중심으로 유재석이 프로포폴을 했다는 찌라시가 돌고 있다는 카더라가 퍼진 적이 있었고 유재석. 당시 피고인은 이들에 대해서는 의존성이 있었다는 사실을 인식했지만, 진술하더라도 처벌받지 않는다는 점을 의식했던 것으로 보인다. 소울파이터 야스오

섹트 계정 디시 발표하니깐 오히려 유재석이 프로포폴로 잡히면 사회적 파장이 클 것을 우려해 덮으려했다는 찌라시가 또 돔. 배우 유아인 본명 엄홍식이 마약류 투약 혐의로 수사를 받고 있는 가운데, 프로포폴 투약 횟수가 1년에 70차례가 넘은 것으로 전해졌다. 송승헌 이새끼는 뺑끼쓰다가 걸려서 군대 쳐가놓고 지금 송승헌 군시절 박물관 이딴걸로 돈벌고 있는거보면 진짜 어이가없다. 프로포폴 공판 도중 연예인 a씨김제동와 a씨안재석원장가 언급됨. 송승헌 이새끼는 뺑끼쓰다가 걸려서 군대 쳐가놓고 지금 송승헌 군시절 박물관 이딴걸로 돈벌고 있는거보면 진짜 어이가없다.

섹트 ㅇ 드뎌 유재석도 증권가 찌라시에 등장하네요 mania nba 매니아. 국민 mc 유재석이 프로군단 합류를 확정 지어 기대를 모았다. 저때 상대가 유재석인거 이용하는 수작이라고 말나왔던걸로 기억함ㅋㅋ ㅇㅇ. 아닐꺼야 아닐꺼야 그러고보니 린이수 열애설도 이미 3월에 떠돌던 소문이라고 하더군요. 배우 유아인 본명 엄홍식이 마약류 투약 혐의로 수사를 받고 있는 가운데, 프로포폴 투약 횟수가 1년에 70차례가 넘은 것으로 전해졌다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.