가슴에 집요하게 고문당하는 리바이 feat.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

리바이는 뒤돌아 누워있었지만 심장이 쿵쾅거려서 어쩔 줄 모르고 움츠러들었어. 어느덧 분위기는 무르익고 우렁찬 쟝의 목소리가. 성우인 리바이랑 엘빈은 서로 이름과 얼굴만 알뿐 인사를 나누거나하는 사이는 아니었음. 어느덧 분위기는 무르익고 우렁찬 쟝의 목소리가.

Com › Board › View엘립으로 엘런이 리바이 찍은 동영상 친구들한테 보여주면서 애인자랑.

이라면서 대단하다고 엄지를 치켜세웠어, 가슴에 집요하게 고문당하는 리바이 feat. 저번에 어떤 썰보고 땡겨서 다시 써봄 저작권문제되면 오열하며 삭제바빠서 자주 못만나는 설정엘빈이 지 존나 고급, 먼저 리바이 다리를 천장을 향하게 묶어서 다리가 브이자로 크게 벌어지게 하는 거야.

더듬거리는 손이 리바이의 바지버클을 한손으로 뒤적거리다가 잘 안되는지 그르렁 거렸어 리바이 입안을 열심히 휘적거리던 손가락을 쑥 빼내서는벨트를 쭉 잡아당겼지.

분위기 점점 리바이가 안그래도 벽외조사 후 식량난인 상황에 부하들 생각해서 음식 안먹고 양보하려는거라는 걸로 흘러서 급기야 리바이 본격적으로 먹이. 결국 아르민은 읏, 신음하면서 리바이의 머리를 붙잡고 입을 ㄱㅁ삼아 목구멍을 향해 거칠게 허리를 흔들어. Com › board › view엘빈리바 폰섹땡기는썰 자이언트 갤러리. 리바이는 자기 위에서 괴상한 물체를 들고 만족스런 표정을 짓는 엘빈을 보고 흠칫했음. 엘빈리바로 몽유병인척하는 요망한리바이 자이언트 갤러리.

모브들에 의해 미약을 삼키고 몸이 달아오른 리바이. 존나 까대시는군 ㅇㅅㅇ 선물이다 진격의 거인 갤러리, 존나 까대시는군 ㅇㅅㅇ 선물이다 진격의 거인 갤러리. 근데 사실 그게 단순한 미약이 아니라 일시적 근육이완 기능도 들어있어서 리바이 몸에 힘이 쭉.

근데 사실 그게 단순한 미약이 아니라 일시적 근육이완 기능도 들어있어서 리바이 몸에 힘이 쭉.

리바이가 술먹고 꽐라됐는데 따먹히는거 ㅁㅅ2222. 아ㅏㅏ아아 리바이년진짜 챙년짓하다가 잘못걸려서. 성우인 리바이랑 엘빈은 서로 이름과 얼굴만 알뿐 인사를 나누거나하는 사이는 아니었음. 피똥싸게하면 나중에 두고두고 존마니가 자기를 미워할지도 모르니까, 더듬거리는 손이 리바이의 바지버클을 한손으로 뒤적거리다가 잘 안되는지 그르렁 거렸어 리바이 입안을 열심히 휘적거리던 손가락을 쑥 빼내서는벨트를 쭉 잡아당겼지. 리바이는 갑자기 들어오는 ㅅㄱ에 당황.

벽외조사 떠나기 전 의례적으로 병사들을 모아놓고 사열하는 자리에서 엘빈이 말함.. 땀을 뻘뻘 흘리며 엘빈은 리바이를 깨우려고 했지만 역시나..

개인취향을 더하자면 리바이 돌아온뒤 2시간쯤은 다 포기한 표정으로 뭐든 단답형으로 대답하고 리바이 방으로 찾아와도.

손가락으로 넓히지도 않아서 리바이입장에선 아르민 ㅅㄱ가 까슬거리지만 아르민은 리바이 ㄱㅁ을 황홀한 천상ㄱㅁ으로 느끼게 돼.

ㅁㄹㅂ로 귀족들한테 불려가서 와인마시고 ㅊㅇㅈ도 먹여져갖곤 새벽내내 밤새도록 당하는데 와이셔츠만입고 풀린표정에, 리바이는 갑자기 들어오는 ㅅㄱ에 당황, 니네강도짓하다 역으로 일주일간 성1노예된 기사봤냐22. 되는대로 신음을 지르던 리바이가 갑자기 몸을 바르르 떨면서 굳었어.

채아 (chae-ah) porn 저번에 어떤 썰보고 땡겨서 다시 써봄 저작권문제되면 오열하며 삭제바빠서 자주 못만나는 설정엘빈이 지 존나 고급. 결국 아르민은 읏, 신음하면서 리바이의 머리를 붙잡고 입을 ㄱㅁ삼아 목구멍을 향해 거칠게 허리를 흔들어. 결국 아르민은 읏, 신음하면서 리바이의 머리를 붙잡고 입을 ㄱㅁ삼아 목구멍을 향해 거칠게 허리를 흔들어. 일상2023 리바이 생일 카페 방문기. 리바이가 기억잃고 하극상당하는 ㅁㅅ111 자이언트 갤러리. 천안 관전클럽

청월 아씨 더쿠 남자가 깊숙한곳 어딘가를 찌르니 그랬지. 남자는 리바이의 ㄱㅁ을 양 쪽으로 벌리곤 자신의 손가락을 천천히 안으로 밀어넣어. 아ㅏㅏ아아 리바이년진짜 챙년짓하다가 잘못걸려서. 리바이 읏 디시는 대한민국 음악 씬에 도전적인 변화를 가져온 신진 음악 페스티벌이다. 리바이 혼자서 엘빈과 함께 2열의 중앙 및 지휘반. 츠구모유키

찬미 빨간약 ㅁㄹㅂ로 귀족들한테 불려가서 와인마시고 ㅊㅇㅈ도 먹여져갖곤 새벽내내 밤새도록 당하는데 와이셔츠만입고 풀린표정에. 남자는 리바이의 ㄱㅁ을 양 쪽으로 벌리곤 자신의 손가락을 천천히 안으로 밀어넣어. 벽외조사나갔다온 후로부터 몇주동안 리바이가 ㅈㅈ은 커녕 ㅈㅇ조차못하고 있으니 얼마나 하고싶겠어 참다참다가 결국엔 다른병사들 자는틈에 몰래 서랍속에서 작은 ㄹㅌ와 리모컨을 꺼내들겠지 그리곤 나름 지가 ㅇㅁ한담시고 ㅈㄲㅈ랑 ㅈㅈ같다가 살살. 아르민은 큿, 소리내면서 조금씩 허리를 움직이고 리바이는 응, 읏 거리면서 이를 앙물어. 읏 하고 울다가 금방 뷰륵하고 발가락 쭉피면서 싸버리면 좋겠다 그럼 진이빠진리바이는 그래도 이불에 몸비비적대다 엘빈 올 시간되면 대충 물로. 천사 야짤

체인소맨 콴시 짤 먼저 리바이 다리를 천장을 향하게 묶어서 다리가 브이자로 크게 벌어지게 하는 거야. 리바이는 자기 위에서 괴상한 물체를 들고 만족스런 표정을 짓는 엘빈을 보고 흠칫했음. 일상2023 리바이 생일 카페 방문기. 성우인 리바이랑 엘빈은 서로 이름과 얼굴만 알뿐 인사를 나누거나하는 사이는 아니었음. 되는대로 신음을 지르던 리바이가 갑자기 몸을 바르르 떨면서 굳었어.

체인소맨 야짤 디시 Tva 1기 1화에서부터 등장하는 리바이 병장의 모습은 누구보다 멘탈이 강하고 자존심이 쌘 사람인데요, 처음부터 그랬던 건 아니고 조사병단에 입단하기 직전과 직후에 있었던 많은 일들을 겪고난 후 강해진 겁니다. 엘빈리바가 평소처럼 ㅈㅈ쑬려고 분위기 잡는데 엘빈이 옷 다 벗겨놓고 뜬금없이 작은 향수병같은 걸 꺼내. 남자는 리바이의 ㄱㅁ을 양 쪽으로 벌리곤 자신의 손가락을 천천히 안으로 밀어넣어. 리바이는 갑자기 들어오는 ㅅㄱ에 당황. 얼굴은 침대 시트에 푹 묻어서 짓눌린 신음소리와 함께 리바이가 고개를 저었어.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.