Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

1 가입을 하지 않으면 들어갈수 없다. 개요편집 김유식이 디시인사이드에서 디시질을 하는 폐인들을 원활하게 관리하기 위해 만든 시스템으로 갤러리와 블로그의 합성어. 루리웹 또는 특정 갤러리에 쓴 글이 발견되었다면 고로시 확실히 성공이다. 가입하게 되면 자동으로 갤로그가 생성이 되며, 여러 또다른 의미로는 갤로그에 있는 방명록을 뜻하기도 하는데요.

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다만 시티즈 스카이라인 이나 비시즈 는 반대로 요직에 앉혀야 한다 는 의미로 요직겜이라 칭한다.. 상업 갤러리를 운영하고 있는 사람, 혹은 잠재적 구매자를 유인하기 위해 상업 갤러리나 기타 장소에서 작가의 작품을 전시하고 홍보하는 일을 하는 사람은 갤러리스트 라고 불린다.. 이번에는 갤로그의 정말 쓸데없는 기능 스크랩 기능을 알아보자.. 디시인사이드에서 쓰이는 인터넷 용어이며, 갤러리의 주인을 가리키는 말이다..

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국내 최대규모의 인터넷 커뮤니티 사이트인 디시인사이드가 10일, 갤로그gallog 오픈 2차 이벤트를 실시한다고 밝혔다.. 2007년에 만들어진 시스템으로, 그 기능을 반영하듯 갤러리 와 블로그 의 합성어 이다.. 2007년에 만들어진 시스템으로, 그 기능을 반영하듯 갤러리와 블로그의 합성어이다.. 다로 시작하는 한방단어들 다로 시작하는 한방단어들을 찾아 보았습니다..

분홍색 게시물 읽기 권한설정 ↑↓ 카테고리 위아래 이동 x 카테고리 삭제 게시물읽기 권한설정 설명입니다. 국내야구 갤러리 의 하위 카테고리로 만들어진 롯데 자이언츠 의 갤러리, 다만 시티즈 스카이라인 이나 비시즈 는 반대로 요직에 앉혀야 한다 는 의미로 요직겜이라 칭한다.

루리웹 또는 특정 갤러리에 쓴 글이 발견되었다면 고로시 확실히 성공이다, Com › smlfox › 222228066578디시인사이드 갤러리 용어 자유로운 곳 뜻 네이버 블로그, Com › wiki › 갤로그갤로그 우만위키. 게시판의 입장에서도 유저간에 서로를 지속적으로 인지할 수 있는 계기를 주어 친목질이 난무할 것이라는 우려도 있다. 공식적인 명칭은 비회원이지만 많은 사람들이 유동닉으로 사용합니다. 고정닉 쓸데없는 갤로그 기능을 알아보자 스크랩기능.

홈 게시글 댓글 스크랩 방명록 전체0 갤러리0 마이너갤0 미니갤0 인물갤0. 분홍색을 클릭하면 x,1,2,3,a가 있습니다, 가입하게 되면 자동으로 갤로그가 생성이 되며, 여러 또다른 의미로는. 분홍색을 클릭하면 x,1,2,3,a가 있습니다. 실제로 갤로그 도입 이후 세월이나 정도에 따라 차이가 있지만, 기존 대형갤러리와 게임갤러리 몇몇에 친목화가 가속되었다. 홈 게시글 댓글 스크랩 방명록 전체0 갤러리0 마이너갤0 미니갤0 인물갤0.

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지난 갤로그 1편에서는 시험 끝난 고등학생이 갤럭시와 함께하는 일상을 보여드렸다면, 오늘은 제 부모님과 함께했던 서울 여행을 보여드리려고 해요. 상업 갤러리를 운영하고 있는 사람, 혹은 잠재적 구매자를 유인하기 위해 상업 갤러리나 기타 장소에서 작가의 작품을 전시하고 홍보하는 일을 하는 사람은 갤러리스트 라고 불린다, 이른바 보너스 스테이지이며 다양한 편대 비행을 하는 적기를 격추시켜 점수를 획득한다. 현재는 디시인사이드 이외의 커뮤니티에서도 비회원 유저를 지칭하는 말로 사용되며 범용적인 표현으로, 디시인사이드영어 dcinside 또는 dc, 대중적으로는 디씨, 디시는 대한민국의 인터넷 하위문화를 대표하는 커뮤니티 사이트로, 익명성, read more.

가입하게 되면 자동으로 갤로그가 생성이 되며, 여러 또다른 의미로는 갤로그에 있는 방명록을 뜻하기도 하는데요. Com › smlfox › 222228066578디시인사이드 갤러리 용어 자유로운 곳 뜻 네이버 블로그. 갤로그는 갤러리gallery와 로그log의 합성어로 블로그나 미니홈피와는 다른 개념의 개인화 서비스다. 대통령 선거의 결과를 예측하는 갤럽 여론 조사로 유명하다. 이번에는 갤로그의 정말 쓸데없는 기능 스크랩 기능을 알아보자.

fc2 귀여운 Com › postview디시인사이드 갤로그 사용방법 네이버 블로그. 어떤사람이 제 디시인사이드 갤로그에 네이버 지식in. 현재는 디시인사이드 이외의 커뮤니티에서도 비회원 유저를 지칭하는 말로 사용되며 범용적인 표현으로. 친절한 생마의 쌩늅 망아지들 위한 갤 용어. 바로가기 본래는 농구 갤러리 의 하위 개념이. fc2korea

fanfix sotwe 디시인사이드영어 dcinside 또는 dc, 대중적으로는 디씨, 디시는 대한민국의 인터넷 하위문화를 대표하는 커뮤니티 사이트로, 익명성, read more. 갤로그는 갤러리gallery와 로그log의 합성어로 블로그나 미니홈피와는 다른 개념의 개인화 서비스다. 유동닉이 고정닉보다 적어지면 친목질 문제로 갤이 망하는 경우가 많은 메이저 갤러리와는 달리 마이너 갤러리는 유동닉이 적어지고 친목질 문제가 터져도 애초부터 고정닉들을. 루리웹 또는 특정 갤러리에 쓴 글이 발견되었다면 고로시 확실히 성공이다. 1 가입을 하지 않으면 들어갈수 없다. f95zone yandere

fc2 king power d 상업 갤러리를 운영하고 있는 사람, 혹은 잠재적 구매자를 유인하기 위해 상업 갤러리나 기타 장소에서 작가의 작품을 전시하고 홍보하는 일을 하는 사람은 갤러리스트 라고 불린다. 공식적인 명칭은 비회원이지만 많은 사람들이 유동닉으로 사용합니다. 이를 계기로 그는 청소년기 내내 컴퓨터 와 게임에만 몰두하게 되는 오타쿠 가 되었다고 한다. 상업 갤러리를 운영하고 있는 사람, 혹은 잠재적 구매자를 유인하기 위해 상업 갤러리나 기타 장소에서 작가의 작품을 전시하고 홍보하는 일을 하는 사람은 갤러리스트 라고 불린다. Org › wiki › 블로그블로그 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. fapello inkyun

fastconv mp4 4 갤로그 숨김해도 구글에 검색하면 일부가 뜨기 때문에 의미가 없다. 갤로그는 갤러리gallery와 로그log의 합성어로 블로그나 미니홈피와는 다른 개념의 개인화 서비스다. 바로가기 본래는 농구 갤러리 의 하위 개념이. Org › wiki › 블로그블로그 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 이번에는 갤로그의 정말 쓸데없는 기능 스크랩 기능을 알아보자.

fc2 사이카 서울신문 에 재직하던 아버지의 손에 이끌려, 당시 pc 자체가 국내에서는 생소하던, 80년대 초반 초등학교 6학년의 나이에 전산 학원에서 처음 컴퓨터를 배우기 시작했다. 10 화랑을 운영하는 사장이나 딜러라고 하면 너무 상업적인 느낌이 나서 예술가 편에서 예술가를 위해 움직이는. 현재는 디시인사이드 이외의 커뮤니티에서도 비회원 유저를 지칭하는 말로 사용되며 범용적인 표현으로. 2008년 7월경에 생성된 갤러리로, 야구 팀 갤러리 중에선 가장 먼저 만들어졌다. 디시인사이드 의 방명록 편집 고닉들끼리 갤로그 내에서 안부를 주고받는 기능이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.