Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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인스타에서 인플루언서 하면서 협찬 받다가 개인쇼핑몰로 먹고살면 될 듯.. 건희오빠 얼굴만 봐도 웃음이 나오는 마혜림양오빠 나랑 사귀자.. 고백하는 등 불행에 불행이 겹친 사연으로 인해 영상을 올리자마자 1화부터 시즌 1에 참가했던 한건희, 마혜림을 미미미누, 민영쌤이 디스했다.. Com › mgallery › board한건희와 마혜림 사이의 사건들 정리..

헬스터디 마혜림 두명이였으면 조회수 개좆창났을텐데. 정보 헬스터디 한건희, 마혜림 수능 성적jpg 한석원 마이너, 마혜림 3수생, 여언수외생활과윤리사회문화35444 443412.

54 ㅇㄱㄹㅇ인듯 미3누가 고백공격은 아니라고 했으니깐 2023. 한석원 ㄴ 한건희가 마혜림한테 고백박으며 외친말. 일반 ㄴ 한건희가 마혜림한테 고백박으며 외친말. 서로 누가 못하니 잘하니 장난치다가 선 넘은거 아닌가 싶음. 근데 진짜 고백공격이면 미3누가 건희 사람취급도 안 하지 않았을까, 마혜림 3수생, 여언수외생활과윤리사회문화35444 443412.

태도 면에서는 한건희와 정반대로 일절 논란이 없었는데, 마혜림은 어떠한 변명도 없이 미미미누의 모든 요구사항을 받아들였고, 미미미누 역시 방송에서 마혜림은 한 번도. 자기보다 어린 미미미누 돈으로 밥쳐먹고 식곤증 브레인포그 adhd 핑계등으로 수능 직전에 유투브 멤버쉽 열고, 그리고 모의고사 접수였나 영상에선 한건희가 좀 늦었는데 카메라 앵글에 들어오려고 붙으니까 아 가까이 오지마세요 짜증나니까 를. 하음파 이건 그냥 젖소옷이 아니라 비키니잖아요 해적왕버기 2024. 오피셜 한건희 마혜림한테 고백하고 까인거맞다 한석원. 그리고 두 사람이 촬영을 같이 안한지 오래되어 멀어진거는 맞다.

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자기보다 9살 어린 예쁜애한테 고백한 거니까. 54 ㅇㄱㄹㅇ인듯 미3누가 고백공격은 아니라고 했으니깐 2023, 마혜림 미3누쌤 저는 이제 건희오빠는 없었던 걸로 할께요 앞으로 안 봤으면 합니다 미3누 앞으로 한건희 학생과 마혜림 학생은 영상을 따로 찍도록 하겠습니다 서로 바라보기만 해도 애틋했던 그들의 모습 이젠 과거가 되었다.

한건희한테 정시 너건따당하고 수시로 대학가고 마지막화까지 한건희 저격하는거보면 참 ㅋㅋ, 한석원 ㄴ 한건희가 마혜림한테 고백박으며 외친말, 자기보다 어린 미미미누 돈으로 밥쳐먹고 식곤증 브레인포그 adhd 핑계등으로 수능 직전에 유투브 멤버쉽 열고. 마혜림 ㅈㄴ웃긴게 한석원 마이너 갤러리.

이 친구는 내 생각에는 되게 아쉬운 케이스이다. 마혜림 ㅈㄴ웃긴게 한석원 마이너 갤러리. 나 한건흰데 혜림이한테 고백함 dc app.

일반 오피셜 한건희 마혜림한테 고백하고 까인거맞다. 수학에서의 두려움을 잘 이겨냈더라면 훨씬 만족하고 흡족할 만한 성적이 나왔을텐데 아쉬울 따름이다, 헬스터디 한건희, 마혜림 성적으로 보여주는 n수의 현실 네이버 블로그 전체보기 298개의 글 목록열기. 태도 면에서는 한건희와 정반대로 일절 논란이 없었는데, 마혜림은 어떠한 변명도 없이 미미미누의 모든 요구사항을 받아들였고, 미미미누 역시 방송에서 마혜림은 한 번도 약속을 어긴 적이 없다고 공언한 바 있다. 고백했으면 서먹서먹한 관계지 경멸하는 관계는. Com › mgallery › board한건희랑 마혜림이랑 갈등은 한석원 마이너 갤러리.

成田蓮 結婚 Com › mgallery › board한건희랑 마혜림이랑 갈등은 한석원 마이너 갤러리. 마혜림 미3누쌤 저는 이제 건희오빠는 없었던 걸로 할께요 앞으로 안 봤으면 합니다 미3누 앞으로 한건희 학생과 마혜림 학생은 영상을 따로 찍도록 하겠습니다 서로 바라보기만 해도 애틋했던 그들의 모습 이젠 과거가 되었다. 헬스터디 한건희, 마혜림 성적으로 보여주는 n수의 현실 네이버 블로그. 이 친구는 내 생각에는 되게 아쉬운 케이스이다. 비록, 유의미한 성적 상승에는 실패했지만, 원서 영역에서는 한건희, 마혜림 모두 성공적인 결과를 이뤄냈다. 鶴ハルナ 結婚

가치아 쿠타 아모 왜 몇년씩이나 갈아서 안 되는 공부를 하려는지이해가 안 가는. 이 친구는 내 생각에는 되게 아쉬운 케이스이다. 마혜림이 초기 합류때부터 한건희랑 경쟁 구도 붙이니까 자존심 상해 하는거 영상으로도 나갔었음. 하음파 이건 그냥 젖소옷이 아니라 비키니잖아요 해적왕버기 2024. 오피셜 한건희 마혜림한테 고백하고 까인거맞다 한석원. 今日热播 楊デックス

가와키타 사이카 일반 ㄴ 한건희가 마혜림한테 고백박으며 외친말. 근데 진짜 고백공격이면 미3누가 건희 사람취급도 안 하지 않았을까. 고백했으면 서먹서먹한 관계지 경멸하는 관계는. 정보 헬스터디 한건희, 마혜림 수능 성적jpg 한석원 마이너. 정보 헬스터디 한건희, 마혜림 수능 성적jpg 한석원 마이너. 抖音风裸舞 sotwe

唯 pikpak 고백하는 등 불행에 불행이 겹치는 사연으로 인해. 마혜림 3수생, 여 언수외생활과윤리사회문화 35444 44341 2. 서로 누가 못하니 잘하니 장난치다가 선 넘은거 아닌가 싶음. 오피셜 한건희 마혜림한테 고백하고 까인거맞다 한석원. Com › postview헬스터디 한건희, 마혜림 성적으로 보여주는 n수의 현실.

本郷奏多 nana2 愛用 ファッションブランド 나 한건흰데 혜림이한테 고백함 dc app. 고백하는 등 불행에 불행이 겹친 사연으로 인해 영상을 올리자마자 1화부터 시즌 1에 참가했던 한건희, 마혜림을 미미미누, 민영쌤이 디스했다. 한건희한테 정시 너건따당하고 수시로 대학가고 마지막화까지 한건희 저격하는거보면 참 ㅋㅋ. 헬스터디 마혜림 두명이였으면 조회수 개좆창났을텐데. 비록, 유의미한 성적 상승에는 실패했지만, 원서 영역에서는 한건희, 마혜림 모두 성공적인 결과를 이뤄냈다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.