Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

무게를 안치고 천천히 늘리면 되겠네 얇은거랑 별개로 배고픈거 참거나 영양 부족하면 어딘가 무조건 아픔. 다만 손목의 고통을 못 이겨 실수를 했는데, 이로 인해 헬스키친에서 부상에 의한 기권을 하게 생겼음에도 독하게 끝까지 남겠다며 악바리 같이 설득해 남을 수 있었다. 손목임 전완근말고 손목 손목이 굵어야 힘이 좆나셈. Com › mgallery › board손목 얇은건 남자한테 아무 이점이 없는듯 보디빌딩 마이너 갤러리.

끝내 잡지 못한 사랑 결말

무게를 안치고 천천히 늘리면 되겠네 얇은거랑 별개로 배고픈거 참거나 영양 부족하면 어딘가 무조건 아픔.. Com › mgallery › board손목 얇은건 남자한테 아무 이점이 없는듯 보디빌딩 마이너 갤러리.. 이제 보니 제 손목이 진짜 얇더라구요 체중은 비만일 정도로 지방이 많은데 손목은 거의 여자 수준으로 진짜 얇았어요.. 24 1323 쫀스 운동해서 전완근으로 시선처리..

신체 말단으로 갈수록 훈련하기도 더 까다로워지고 무엇보다 성장도 잘 이뤄지지. 초, 중학교까지는 아무리 말랐어도 비슷한애들도 있어서 위안됐지만 고등학생때부터는 급이 달라지니 무튼 저는 한평생 깡마른놈으로 살다가 신검때 4급 체중미달로 받았는데 제가 보내달라고 사정해서 3급으로 바뀌고 현. 내가 손목이 좀 얇은 편이거든 16cm 아주 약간 넘음. Com › board › automata손목 얇은건 어떻게 해결책 없냐. 즉 손이 작거나 손목이 얇으면 그렇지 않은 사람보다 근력이 낮을 가능성이 조금 큽니다.

김현영 디시

초, 중학교까지는 아무리 말랐어도 비슷한애들도 있어서 위안됐지만 고등학생때부터는 급이 달라지니 무튼 저는 한평생 깡마른놈으로 살다가 신검때 4급 체중미달로 받았는데 제가 보내달라고 사정해서 3급으로 바뀌고 현.. Com › mgallery › board손목 얇은건 남자한테 아무 이점이 없는듯 보디빌딩 마이너 갤러리.. 헬스 용어 정리, 헬스 용어 사전, 각 부위별 근육의 명칭과 특징.. subscribe subscribed 569 60k views 3 years ago 멸치탈출 손목 🔸contact yoruheee@naver..

손목 얇다던 게이인데 인증함 맨몸운동 마이너 갤러리. 친업 8개 풀업 5개함 58kg 아직 급식아니냐, Com › petity84 › 223525163447손목이 얇아서 고민이신분들 손목굵어지는법 네이버 블로그, Com › 116얇은 손목, 두껍게 만들 수 있을까.

이게 둘레가 평균 이하야 나 명품매장에서 알바할때도 전시해놓은 손목팔찌 껴봤는데 헐렁. 그럴 수 있는데 성인임절망적인 손목 뼈 굵기임손목이 얇아서 전완근도 ㅈㄴ 얇음찍어서 올리기엔 부끄럽다 손목만 올림참고로 키 140대 친할머니보다 뼈보다 내가 더 얇. 그럴 수 있는데 성인임 절망적인 손목 뼈 굵기임 손목이 얇아서 전완근도 ㅈㄴ 얇음.

그럴 수 있는데 성인임절망적인 손목 뼈 굵기임손목이 얇아서 전완근도 ㅈㄴ 얇음찍어서 올리기엔 부끄럽다 손목만 올림참고로 키 140대 친할머니보다 뼈보다 내가 더 얇. Com › board › view남자인데 손목이 이정도로 얇은데 나 가망 있냐. Com › board › view나보다 손목굵기 가는사람 못봤음 헬스 갤러리. 다리가 긴 편이라고 생각하면 되겠습니다.

나도 손목 여자만큼 얇은데 요즘 손목이 좀 아프긴 하지만 오랜 기간 운동하면서 손목이 말썽이었던 적은 거의 없어. 손목 얇은사람 암벽등반 마이너 갤러리. subscribe subscribed 569 60k views 3 years ago 멸치탈출 손목 🔸contact yoruheee@naver, 겨울때는 상관 없는데 여름 반팔입을 때 얇은 손목이 신경쓰이더라고요. 손목운동으로도 안길러지고 악력기도 소용없고 그나마 효과 좋은건 중중량 고반복 데드리프트 당기는거임 그냥 전완의.

블라인드 헬스다이어트 손목 굵기는 어쩔수 없지. 얇은 손목에 집착하는 당신이 안타까운 이유. 손목 스트레칭은 손목을 부드럽게 늘려주는 동작으로, 근육의 긴장을 완화하고 유연성을 높여줍니다. 손목 얇으면 힘이 약할수 밖에 없나요, 무게를 안치고 천천히 늘리면 되겠네 얇은거랑 별개로 배고픈거 참거나 영양 부족하면 어딘가 무조건 아픔. 이러한 운동을 꾸준히 하면 손목의 근육과 인대를 강화할 수 있습니다.

손목 얇다던 게이인데 인증함 맨몸운동 마이너 갤러리. 손목임 전완근말고 손목 손목이 굵어야 힘이 좆나셈, 꾸준한 노력과 정확한 방법만 있다면 누구든지 가능하죠. 나도 손목 여자만큼 얇은데 요즘 손목이 좀 아프긴 하지만 오랜 기간 운동하면서 손목이 말썽이었던 적은 거의 없어, 남자인데 손목이 너무 얇아서 고민임헬스 입문하기 전에는 걍 생각없었는데요새는 손목 얇은게 콤플렉스임남들 운동하는거보면 손목굵기부터 보게되고.

나히아 갤

Com › board › view남자인데 손목이 이정도로 얇은데 나 가망 있냐. 꾸준한 노력과 정확한 방법만 있다면 누구든지 가능하죠, 손목운동으로도 안길러지고 악력기도 소용없고 그나마 효과 좋은건 중중량 고반복 데드리프트 당기는거임 그냥 전완의, 쿠팡이 추천하는 일회용마사지팬티 중고 특가를 만나보세요. 이때 좀 더 편하게 보는 방법으로는요.

블라인드 헬스다이어트 손목 굵기는 어쩔수 없지, 다만 손목의 고통을 못 이겨 실수를 했는데, 이로 인해 헬스키친에서 부상에 의한 기권을 하게 생겼음에도 독하게 끝까지 남겠다며 악바리 같이 설득해 남을 수 있었다. 내가 손목이 좀 얇은 편이거든 16cm 아주 약간 넘음, 남자인데 손목이 너무 얇아서 고민임헬스 입문하기 전에는 걍 생각없었는데요새는 손목 얇은게 콤플렉스임남들 운동하는거보면 손목굵기부터 보게되고, 운동해서 전완근으로 시선처리 해야함 코이세.

꾸르 ㅎㅂ Com › mgallery › board남잔데 손목이 너무 얇아서 고민인데 어떻게 하죠. 살을 찌워서 비엔나소세지 손목에서 옛날소세지 손목으로. 남자인데 손목이 너무 얇아서 고민임헬스 입문하기 전에는 걍 생각없었는데요새는 손목 얇은게 콤플렉스임남들 운동하는거보면 손목굵기부터 보게되고. 이게 둘레가 평균 이하야 나 명품매장에서 알바할때도 전시해놓은 손목팔찌 껴봤는데 헐렁. 얇은 손목에 집착하는 당신이 안타까운. 나나세 후미카 디시

꼭지 짤티비 일반 남잔데 손목이 너무 얇아서 고민인데 어떻게 하죠. 손목 얇다던 게이인데 인증함 맨몸운동 마이너 갤러리. 손목임 전완근말고 손목 손목이 굵어야 힘이 좆나셈. 그럴 수 있는데 성인임 절망적인 손목 뼈 굵기임 손목이 얇아서 전완근도 ㅈㄴ 얇음. 즉 손이 작거나 손목이 얇으면 그렇지 않은 사람보다 근력이 낮을 가능성이 조금 큽니다. 나오야 엄마

김선영 레전드 디시 얇은 손목에 집착하는 당신이 안타까운 이유. 운동해서 전완근으로 시선처리 해야함 코이세. 블라인드 헬스다이어트 손목 굵기는 어쩔수 없지. 헬스 용어 정리, 헬스 용어 사전, 각 부위별 근육의 명칭과 특징. 블라인드 헬스다이어트 손목 굵기는 어쩔수 없지. 김우유 남친

김유연 레전드 디시 175 170 48에서 58까지 찌웟는데 손목 나랑 똑같은듯 나도 손목 나보다 얇은사람 현실에서 못봄 손도 여자애랑 똑같을 정도로 ㅈㄴ작음 살 찌운건 얼굴살이랑 뱃살만 늘어나던데 03. Com › board › view나보다 손목굵기 가는사람 못봤음 헬스 갤러리. Com › mgallery › board손목 얇다던 게이인데 인증함 맨몸운동 마이너 갤러리. 24 1323 쫀스 운동해서 전완근으로 시선처리. 손목 얇은사람 암벽등반 마이너 갤러리.

나는 조그만 음마 초, 중학교까지는 아무리 말랐어도 비슷한애들도 있어서 위안됐지만 고등학생때부터는 급이 달라지니 무튼 저는 한평생 깡마른놈으로 살다가 신검때 4급 체중미달로 받았는데 제가 보내달라고 사정해서 3급으로 바뀌고 현. 손목이 굵으면 팔 골격 자체가 굵은거니 심지어 손목굵기로 네츄럴 한계근육량도 계산하기도함. 블라인드 헬스다이어트 손목 굵기는 어쩔수 없지. 손목운동으로도 안길러지고 악력기도 소용없고 그나마 효과 좋은건 중중량 고반복 데드리프트 당기는거임 그냥 전완의. 겨울때는 상관 없는데 여름 반팔입을 때 얇은 손목이 신경쓰이더라고요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.