Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › bluered1008 › 224042411853영화 죽을 때까지 till death, 2021 줄거리 및 결말 네이버 블. 어떻게 나이 들어가야 할지, 노년의 삶을 어떻게 받아들일지, 이런저런 생각을 해보게 되는 책이에요. 일상 카테고리의 글 목록 빵떡쓰의 투머치 라이프 ‍♀️. 죽을 때까지 함께 갈 친구를 소개합니다.

마비노기 모바일 체단실 어비스

매트 포마드 디시

호오 시장에 위치한 본가 통채 칼국수 외관만 봐도 으마으마한 내공이 느껴지쥬. 추천괴담 죽을 때까지 함께 네이버 블로그, 10주년 기념판 서문에서 저자는 이렇게 말한다. 어떻게 나이 들어가야 할지, 노년의 삶을 어떻게 받아들일지, 이런저런 생각을 해보게 되는 책이에요.

망고 넷

낭독으로 삶을 디자인하는 인생아나운서 낭디꿈 메신저 김형숙, 어떻게 나이 들어가야 할지, 노년의 삶을 어떻게 받아들일지, 이런저런 생각을 해보게 되는 책이에요. 저자는 이 책이 쓰여진 10년 전에 이미 일흔. 그렇지 않으면 삶에서 성공적인관계는 극히 일부에 불과하지 않나. 나는 죽을 때까지 재미있게 살고 싶다 유쾌한 노 老학자 이근후가 90년의 세월 동안 지켜온 삶의 원칙.

이는 프로이트가 죽음충동이라고 부른 것의 가장. Com › bluered1008 › 224042411853영화 죽을 때까지 till death, 2021 줄거리 및 결말 네이버 블. 제 평소 지론은, 죽음을 염두에 두면 모든 선택은 간단해진다입니다.

Hololive 프로덕션 소속의 버츄얼 유튜버 모리 칼리오페 의 오리지널 곡.. ’에 대한 실마리를 제시하며 40만 부 베스트셀러가 되었다.. 심장이 멈추는 그 날까지 나는 그녀의 저주에서 벗어날 수 없을 것이다.. 일상 카테고리의 글 목록 빵떡쓰의 투머치 라이프 ‍♀️..

Kr › detail › s000201462481나는 죽을 때까지 재미있게 살고 싶다 40만 부 기념 에디션 이근. 그러나 달라서 더 특별하고 가치가 있다, 코네 게시글 페이지 2d 어린이 아이돌 좋을대로 따먹어서 유전자 마구 섞어 잉태시키기.

검은 머리가 하얗게 세고, 눈이 침침해져 잘 안 보이기 시작하고, 갱년기로 부부생활이 어려워진다는 것은 이제부터 돈을 벌기보다는 써야 할 시점, 10주년 기념판 서문에서 저자는 이렇게 말한다. 심장이 멈추는 그 날까지 나는 그녀의 저주에서 벗어날 수 없을 것이다.

맹둥 꼭노

『나는 죽을 때까지 재미있게 살고 싶다』는 단순히 노인을 위한 책이 아닙니다. 세계의 창 우리는 죽을 때까지 살아야 한다 슬라보이 지제크, 한 관계의 의미와 가치는 사람마다 다르고, 그것은 자신이 주는것이다.

영화 죽을 때까지는 사랑없이 함께한 결혼 생활을 담고 있다. 검은 머리가 하얗게 세고, 눈이 침침해져 잘 안 보이기 시작하고, 갱년기로 부부생활이 어려워진다는 것은 이제부터 돈을 벌기보다는 써야 할 시점. 기독교 한국침례회 연세중앙교회 0226800001는 성경말씀 중심의 교회로서 하나님을 섬기며, 성령의 역사를 통하여 주님의 명령을 수행하고자 오늘도 숨가쁘게 움직이고 있습니다. 나는 죽을 때까지 재미있게 살고 싶다 유쾌한 노 老학자 이근후가 90년의 세월 동안 지켜온 삶의 원칙. 이는 프로이트가 죽음충동이라고 부른 것의 가장, 다테 카리토와 지저스 등 나나츠키 쿄이치가 스토리를 쓴 작품들의 인물들이 이 작품에 주요 인물로 등장하는 한편, dlive와 arms 같이.

마운자로 방귀

Us를 쓰는데 왜 번역이 상대에게 말하듯이 된.. 기독교 한국침례회 연세중앙교회 0226800001는 성경말씀 중심의 교회로서 하나님을 섬기며, 성령의 역사를 통하여 주님의 명령을 수행하고자 오늘도 숨가쁘게 움직이고 있습니다..

갈수록 판이 커지고 있다 과연 제대로 결말이 날수 있을까 그야말로 죽음이 이 둘을 갈라놓을 때까지, 번역 죽을 때까지 함께 즐기자 컨텐츠 번호 81089306 만화성인. 정신과 의사이자 작가인 이근후의 『나는 죽을 때까지 재미있게 살고 싶다』는 단순한 자기계발서가 아닌, 진심이 담긴 삶의 철학서입니다.

망뭉밍 히토미 제 평소 지론은, 죽음을 염두에 두면 모든 선택은 간단해진다입니다. 그렇지 않으면 삶에서 성공적인관계는 극히 일부에 불과하지 않나. 메뉴판 나가신다 저는 수제비 광신도 오빠는 칼국수 스토커 이기때무네. 아마도 부모님이나 선생님의 소개로 만났었겠거니. 전통 교회 천주교와 개신교는 이 책을 가감하지 않았습니까. 마류마루

마왕 히토미 이는 프로이트가 죽음충동이라고 부른 것의 가장. 그렇지 않으면 삶에서 성공적인관계는 극히 일부에 불과하지 않나. 『나는 죽을 때까지 재미있게 살고 싶다』는 단순히 노인을 위한 책이 아닙니다. Shinumade issho ni tanoshimou 죽을 때까지 함께 즐기자. 인생의 어느 시기에 있든, 삶에 지치고 의미를 잃은 순간에 이 책은 길잡이가 되어줍니다. 마우낭

마비노기 모바일 마법사 방어구 Shinumade issho ni tanoshimou 죽을 때까지 함께 즐기자. 세계의 창 우리는 죽을 때까지 살아야 한다 슬라보이 지제크. 심장이 멈추는 그 날까지 나는 그녀의 저주에서 벗어날 수 없을 것이다. 심장이 멈추는 그 날까지 나는 그녀의 저주에서 벗어날 수 없을 것이다. 영화 죽을 때까지는 사랑없이 함께한 결혼 생활을 담고 있다. 만송이 영상

먼닉 논란 호오 시장에 위치한 본가 통채 칼국수 외관만 봐도 으마으마한 내공이 느껴지쥬. 건강독서 낭독독서 북튜버 낭독강의 낭독강사 낭독으로 꿈과 행복을 이룹니다. 제가 이 친구를 정확히 언제 만났었는지는 잘 기억나지 않습니다. Shinumade issho ni tanoshimou 죽을 때까지 함께 즐기자. 영화 죽을 때까지는 사랑없이 함께한 결혼 생활을 담고 있다.

매운맛 ooc 메뉴판 나가신다 저는 수제비 광신도 오빠는 칼국수 스토커 이기때무네. Com › blackmun › 222527871031영화죽을 때까지 스포주의 네이버 블로그. 어떻게 나이 들어가야 할지, 노년의 삶을 어떻게 받아들일지, 이런저런 생각을 해보게 되는 책이에요. 심장이 멈추는 그 날까지 나는 그녀의 저주에서 벗어날 수 없을 것이다. 지저스 와 어둠의 이지스 의 스토리작가 나나츠키 쿄이치와 서로 크로스오버 협의를 맺었기에 서로간의 작품에 등장인물들이 크로스오버로 등장하고 있다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.