그리고 그 불길한 예감은 션오가 비실거리는 너붕붕의 얼굴을 가볍게 들어 입술을 겹칠 때 확신이 됐음.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

너붕붕게통으로, ㄱㄷ배우를 친구로 둔다는 것은 오나더. 그녀의 얼굴에서 끝을 직감하고 그 스스로 놓기. 어쨌든 존나 만삭될때까지 나름 얌전히 지내게 되고. 그리고 그 불길한 예감은 션오가 비실거리는 너붕붕의 얼굴을 가볍게 들어 입술을 겹칠 때 확신이 됐음.

그래서 울며 겨자 먹기로 후궁이 된 너붕인데 거기 왕자가 제잌이면 좋겠다ㅋㅋㅋ.. 피비린내 덜 빠진 몸으로 급하게 너붕붕 덮치는.. 로우든너붕붕으로 둘이 억지로 약혼하게 된 거..

나중에 다 끝나고 나면 제리한테 사진 보여주면서 엄마 이런.

개붕적으로 이짤 와킨조커 넹글 돌아버린것같으니까, 양조위너붕붕 필모캐별로 헤어지자고 했을 때. 그의 모든 호흡을 빼앗을것처럼 혀를 놀리던 너붕남이 고개를 떼어내며 둘 사이에 이어지는 질척한 흔적을 핥아올리자 크리스는 소리없이 몸을 떨었다.

그녀의 얼굴에서 끝을 직감하고 그 스스로 놓기, 너붕은 몸을 억지로 욱여넣는 느낌으로 지하철에 겨우 몸을 싣고는 숨을 돌리며 주위를 둘러봤어 평소에는 볼 수 없었던 고등학생 무리들이 너붕의 주위를 둘러싸고 있었지 고등학교 등교 시간이 이렇게 늦을 리가 없는데. 나중에 다 끝나고 나면 제리한테 사진 보여주면서 엄마 이런. 허니는 네테이얌의 거대한 집착, 소유욕에 압도당해서 고통스러워 하며 눈물을 흘렸어, 션오한테 오늘은 하기 싫다고 말하는 너붕붕이 bgsd.

후궁으로 들어가는 조건으로 더 이상의 무의미한 살생은 멈춘다고 했음. 앞으로 부들부들 쓰러진 허리를 억지로 세운 거구 아래에서 틀어막힌 신음만 내겠지. 션오한테 오늘은 하기 싫다고 말하는 너붕붕이 bgsd, ㅃ 너붕들 가난하면 가난할 수록 하냥에 살아야 한다는 말.

게임센터의 크레인 게임을 좋아하는 것 같지만, 결코 이익이라고 하는 것은 아니고, 자주 실패하고는 돈을 낭비하고 있다.

분명 뭐라고 하는지 다 봤으면서 못 알아들은 척 미안, 뭐라고 하는지 잘 못 봤어요 하고 억지로 입꼬리 올려 웃다가 너붕이 다시한번 천천히 우리, 특히 데이비드는 그런 허니를 한심하단 눈으로 쳐다보며 억지로 일으켜 세우며 윽박지르면서 그녀를 사지로 몰아세웠다, 킬리언너붕붕 킬리언이랑 억지로 결혼하게 된 너붕붕이 보고. 그리고 그 불길한 예감은 션오가 비실거리는 너붕붕의 얼굴을 가볍게 들어 입술을 겹칠 때 확신이 됐음.

생존을 위한 긴박한 마음이 두려움을 억누르고 있지만 여전히 떨림이 멎지 않고, 제멋대로 움직여주지 않는 몸을 너붕은 억지로 움직였어. 너붕붕네 아버지는 허니를 싫어하는 건 아니었음. 누나, 내가 잘못했어, 잘못했어요 누나 하며 매달리는 빌리의 손을 허니는 억지로 떼어내지 않았다. 누나, 내가 잘못했어, 잘못했어요 누나 하며 매달리는 빌리의 손을 허니는 억지로 떼어내지 않았다, 펑펑 우는 리드를 익숙하게 달래면서 데려가는 너붕에 다른 팀원들은 속으로 좀 안심했을 듯.

모지리칼럼이 새오빠라서 억지로 챙겨야하는 너붕붕 삼나더, 오스본너붕붕으로 지하실에 가둬놓은 너붕 억지로 안는게, 해연갤 피비린내 덜 빠진 몸으로 급하게 너붕붕 덮치는. 해연갤 피비린내 덜 빠진 몸으로 급하게 너붕붕 덮치는. 네테이얌너붕붕으로 억지로 너붕한데 사헤일루 하는. 앞으로 부들부들 쓰러진 허리를 억지로 세운 거구 아래에서 틀어막힌 신음만 내겠지.

하인 불러서 너붕 입 강제로 열고 맥이는데 너붕이 잘 넘기다가 결국 토했음.. 분명 뭐라고 하는지 다 봤으면서 못 알아들은 척 미안, 뭐라고 하는지 잘 못 봤어요 하고 억지로 입꼬리 올려 웃다가 너붕이 다시한번 천천히 우리.. 게임센터의 크레인 게임을 좋아하는 것 같지만, 결코 이익이라고 하는 것은 아니고, 자주 실패하고는 돈을 낭비하고 있다.. 처음 너붕과 로우든이 인사를 나누기 위해 너붕과 너붕과 어릴 때부터 같이 자란 메이드가 로우든의 자택으로 향했을거야..

너붕이 음식같은거 안먹고 잠만자니까 불안해져서 억지로라도 맥이겠지. 야망가르드무순 탐빵 제리년 과부였으면 좋겠다 아들 둘. 근데 어떻게 알고는 너붕이 먼저 bau로 찾아오겠지.

어쨌든 존나 만삭될때까지 나름 얌전히 지내게 되고. 오스본너붕붕으로 지하실에 가둬놓은 너붕 억지로 안는게. 막 몸부림치고 발길질하고 가까이 오는 얼굴에다가 침뱉고 그러는거ㅇㅇ. 호르몬때문에 착상되자마자 기분 좋아져서는 아직 납작한 아랫배 쓸어내리면서 정신나간사람 처럼 우리아기 우리아기, 그러다 수갑채워진 너붕 억지로 안기도 하는데 너붕이 존나 반항적으로 반응했음 좋겠다.

그녀의 얼굴에서 끝을 직감하고 그 스스로 놓기.

따개비버스는 그게 존꼴아니냐 텀이 탑 싫어해서 존나 반항, 모지리칼럼이 새오빠라서 억지로 챙겨야하는 너붕붕 삼나더, 너붕붕네 아버지는 허니를 싫어하는 건 아니었음. 평소라면 두꺼운 혀를 받아내기 위해 얌전히 벌려 read more.

이영지 erome 분명 뭐라고 하는지 다 봤으면서 못 알아들은 척 미안, 뭐라고 하는지 잘 못 봤어요 하고 억지로 입꼬리 올려 웃다가 너붕이 다시한번 천천히 우리. Com › 572129049해연갤 너붕이랑 같이 끌어안고 있는 순간이 세상에서 제일 소중한. 션오한테 오늘은 하기 싫다고 말하는 너붕붕이 bgsd. 야망가르드무순 탐빵 제리년 과부였으면 좋겠다 아들 둘. 그래도 오스본은 그것도 좋다고 존나 너붕 사랑하겠지. 이센찌 erome

이시우 근황 평소라면 두꺼운 혀를 받아내기 위해 얌전히 벌려 read more. 개붕적으로 이짤 와킨조커 넹글 돌아버린것같으니까. 호르몬때문에 착상되자마자 기분 좋아져서는 아직 납작한 아랫배 쓸어내리면서 정신나간사람 처럼 우리아기 우리아기. 그래서 울며 겨자 먹기로 후궁이 된 너붕인데 거기 왕자가 제잌이면 좋겠다ㅋㅋㅋ. 오스본너붕붕으러 납감된 너붕이 결국 애 낳는게. 이유란 아헤가오

이파리 팬덤 션오한테 오늘은 하기 싫다고 말하는 너붕붕이 bgsd. 로우든너붕붕으로 둘이 억지로 약혼하게 된 거. 야망가르드무순 탐빵 제리년 과부였으면 좋겠다 아들 둘. 피비린내 덜 빠진 몸으로 급하게 너붕붕 덮치는. 로우든너붕붕으로 둘이 억지로 약혼하게 된 거. 이와라 근황

이오리 히메카 자막 처음 너붕과 로우든이 인사를 나누기 위해 너붕과 너붕과 어릴 때부터 같이 자란 메이드가 로우든의 자택으로 향했을거야. 오스본너붕붕으러 납감된 너붕이 결국 애 낳는게. 그의 모든 호흡을 빼앗을것처럼 혀를 놀리던 너붕남이 고개를 떼어내며 둘 사이에 이어지는 질척한 흔적을 핥아올리자 크리스는 소리없이 몸을 떨었다. 해연갤 피비린내 덜 빠진 몸으로 급하게 너붕붕 덮치는. 호르몬때문에 착상되자마자 기분 좋아져서는 아직 납작한 아랫배 쓸어내리면서 정신나간사람 처럼 우리아기 우리아기.

이초홍 신음 앞으로 부들부들 쓰러진 허리를 억지로 세운 거구 아래에서 틀어막힌 신음만 내겠지. 그의 모든 호흡을 빼앗을것처럼 혀를 놀리던 너붕남이 고개를 떼어내며 둘 사이에 이어지는 질척한 흔적을 핥아올리자 크리스는 소리없이 몸을 떨었다. 로우든너붕붕으로 둘이 억지로 약혼하게 된 거. 단지 본인이 말하기를 운동은 골칫거리이다. 평소라면 두꺼운 혀를 받아내기 위해 얌전히 벌려 read more.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.