Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › watch성스러운 레홀언니들 1회 우리는 레드홀릭스를 어떻게 알았나. 아래 양식을 꼭 포함하여 작성해주세요. 관전이란거 한번 해보고 싶네요 나이는 40대 초반 좀많네요 미안해요 하지만 착하고 매너있게 맥주 사가지고 가서 의자에 앉아 관전만 하려고. 이슈에 대한 레홀녀 김씨 생각을 녹음하여 특별하게 편성된 에피소드입니다.

하노이 로컬 가라오케 디시

하루 짱 라이 키 디시

염제 넣고 원딜일 경우 무큐계 사용가능 무기 자체 편의성에서는 이기에 비해 많이 밀림.. 여기 레홀에서 검색해보니, 관전 클럽이 몇군데 보게되었어요.. 이슈에 대한 레홀녀 김씨 생각을 녹음하여 특별하게 편성된 에피소드입니다..

픽팍 공유 코드

하나사키 후카

피딩 냥 디시 이번주도 성스러운 레홀 언니들의 섹스로운 토크. 있는 그대로의 섹스를 정면으로 다루자는 취지로 만들어졌으며, 현재까지 다양한 섹슈얼리티 활동을 벌여오고 있으며, 관련 콘텐츠와 커뮤니티를 운영하고있습니다. 염제 넣고 원딜일 경우 무큐계 사용가능 무기 자체 편의성에서는 이기에 비해 많이 밀림. Com › watch성스러운 레홀언니들 1회 우리는 레드홀릭스를 어떻게 알았나. 모험단순위 46781위, 대표 캐릭터 레홀 프레이. 한국야동 김치

하세 마리카 이번주도 성스러운 레홀 언니들의 섹스로운 토크. 빨리 관전클럽을 구경하고 싶어서인지 동작이 엄청 느리다고 느껴졌습니다. 관전이란거 한번 해보고 싶네요 나이는 40대 초반 좀많네요 미안해요 하지만 착하고 매너있게 맥주 사가지고 가서 의자에 앉아 관전만 하려고. 여기는 다음주에는 새벽에 영하권으로 떨어진다고 합니다 레홀 여러분들도 옷 따듯하게 입으시고 감기조심 하세요. 그렇습니다 요새들어 관전이 해보고 싶네요. 하설아 아헤가오

픽팍 환불 디시 Ps는 단순히 통계만 체크는게 아니라 관전피드백, 대회밴픽분석, 다전제에서의 주요챔프 예상 등등 분석적인 쪽도 많이 이래저래 시끌시끌함 유튜브보면 그런쪽 영상은 조회수도 통계영상에 비하면 확연히 적던데 걍 내려놓는게 좋아보임 ㅋㅋㅋ. Ps는 단순히 통계만 체크는게 아니라 관전피드백, 대회밴픽분석, 다전제에서의 주요챔프 예상 등등 분석적인 쪽도 많이 이래저래 시끌시끌함 유튜브보면 그런쪽 영상은 조회수도 통계영상에 비하면 확연히 적던데 걍 내려놓는게 좋아보임 ㅋㅋㅋ. 이번에는 모든 런처의 꿈 레이져 홀릭과 그 템셋팅과 탈크에 대해서 다뤄보겠습니다 무기 무기라면 2종류가 있습니다 레이저 홀릭과 테슬라 캐넌 제가 런처를 시작하는 사람을 보면 10명중 5명 정도는 레이저런처가 멋있어서 시작한다라고 들은적이 있습니다 그런 사람들은 레홀은 없지만 레이저. 아래 양식을 꼭 포함하여 작성해주세요. 프리패스 회원되기 home talk 익명게시판. 필라테스녀 porn

필라테스 지은 쌤 겐진 이슈에 대한 레홀녀 김씨 생각을 녹음하여 특별하게 편성된 에피소드입니다. 기타 스킬 레홀 착용시 속강 증뎀 기대값이 9%수준이므로 레라 이외 스킬에 대한 증뎀 기대값은 23%정도가 된다. 레홀 vs 이기캐넌 1 레홀 노버닝 충레증뎀 294% 버닝 충레증뎀 324% 레라 5렙 레벨링 증뎀 약 10% 속강값 기본 데미지 100에서 명추뎀&추뎀크리 합산하여 최종뎀 235 11 노버닝 충레 394 레라 5렙 1. 시간 12월 28일 오후5시8시 장소상호&주소 마포구청 레홀 아지트 모임목적 독서단 토론 참여방법 쪽지 인원젤리언니단장님,맥켈란,조심,120쿨님,누비스트,관전 섹시고니대장님 일단 지하로 먼저 들어간 저자신이지만 2층으로 안내해주신. 오늘의 메뉴는 삽겹살 볶음우동 입니다.

하농 대마 옆에서 지켜보면서 지긋히 벋는 모습을 앉은 상태에서 지켜봐준다던가 옆에서 야한 말을 속삭여 준다. 레홀 vs 이기캐넌 1 레홀 노버닝 충레증뎀 294% 버닝 충레증뎀 324% 레라 5렙 레벨링 증뎀 약 10% 속강값 기본 데미지 100에서 명추뎀&추뎀크리 합산하여 최종뎀 235 11 노버닝 충레 394 레라 5렙 1. 저희 커플은 가끔 여러가지를 즐깁니다 주로 새벽시간대에 비어있는 심야영화를 보면서 하거나, 공원 외진곳에서 하거나, 옥상에서 하거나,read more. 있는 그대로의 섹스를 정면으로 다루자는 취지로 만들어졌으며, 현재까지 다양한 섹슈얼리티 활동을 벌여오고 있으며, 관련 콘텐츠와 커뮤니티를 운영하고있습니다. 레드홀릭스 스쿨레홀스쿨 의 여덟번째 강의.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.