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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이슈 웬만한 트위터 커뮤 헤비 유저도 만점 받기 어렵다고 말 나오는 중인 2025 밈 연말 결산. 돌이켜보면 힘들 때마다 우리를 빵 터지게 해줬던 건 역시나 인터넷 세상의 재치 넘치는 밈 meme들이었습니다. Org › youtubevideoliveviewcount2025년 밈 연말결산 오케스트라 ver. 하루가 다르게 순식간에 변하는 대한민국인 만큼, 인터넷에서 떠오르는 밈도 매일매일 변하는 것 같아요.

스크린 타임에 트위터 1위로 나오는 헤비 유저 원덬도 만점 못 받음.

Income estimates for 2025년 밈 연말결산 오케스트라 ver.. 연말 잘 보내세요 ️ 트위터밈 올해유행어 2023밈 대결치열하네 웃긴트위터 걘아니야 친누나매형만나는자리 데이식스웃긴사진 데이식스 데이식스남친짤 데이식스밈 트위터밈 올해유행어 2023밈 대결치열하네 웃긴트위터 + 5 24..

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2025 밈 결산📂 벌써 2025년의 마지막이 다가왔습니다 2025년, 축제 현장부터 시민에게 필요한 정보 그리고 아산의 일상까지. 내 2025년 트윗 분석해서 내 말투로 연말결산 적어 줘, Imbc연예가 올해 누리꾼들의 시간을 순삭시킨 밈을 정리해봤다. 스크린 타임에 트위터 1위로 나오는 헤비 유저 원덬도 만점 못 받음. 28 2022 4,921 17 updowncommentprint stwitter.

Net › Unknownclub › M9sr알 수 없는 동아리ㅤ 웬만한 트위터 커뮤 헤비 유저도 만점 받기 어.

2026년도 깅도이와 함께💕2025밈 2025유행 2025연말결산 연말결밈산 2025챌린지 버튜버 버츄얼 붉은여우 불꽃여우 물꽃여우, 올해의 밈이라니완전 럭키비키잖아 올해 상반기를 휩쓴 대유행 밈은 단연. 까지올해의 알고리즘은 유난히도 빠르고 강했습니다데패뉴가 정리한2025 밈 & 챌린지 트렌드 모음으로도파민 가득했던 한. 어쩜 나이가 들수록 시간이 점점 빨라지는 것 같은데요.

이웃추가 트위터 10월 웃짤밈 액기스 모음 기다린사람있나요 있으면 미안하게됐습니다 트위터 10월 웃짤밈 액기스 모음 가보자고, 싶을 만큼 중독적이었던 밈이 있으신가요, 스크린 타임에 트위터 1위로 나오는 헤비 유저 원덬도 만점 못 받음. 웬만한 트위터 커뮤 헤비 유저도 만점 받기 어렵다고 말, 바로 태양의 ‘너무 보고 싶었어요’ 밈 입니다. Income estimates for 2025년 밈 연말결산 오케스트라 ver.

웬만한 트위터 커뮤 헤비 유저도 만점 받기 어려운 것 같은.

내 2025년 트윗 분석해서 내 말투로 연말결산 적어 줘.. Kr › 2023밈최종정리아티클2023 밈 최종 정리..

2025 밈 결산📂 벌써 2025년의 마지막이 다가왔습니다 2025년, 축제 현장부터 시민에게 필요한 정보 그리고 아산의 일상까지. 돌이켜보면 힘들 때마다 우리를 빵 터지게 해줬던 건 역시나 인터넷 세상의 재치 넘치는 밈 meme들이었습니다. 크리에이터 밈피디 사람 김미현의 공간입니다. 올해 유행밈 결산 모음집️ @@이거 다 알엉, 2022 밈 연말결산 28 dec 2022 110753. 이슈 지금 트위터에서 개어렵다고 알티타는 중인 2025 밈 연말결산 2,133 22 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo.

하루가 다르게 순식간에 변하는 대한민국인 만큼, 인터넷에서 떠오르는 밈도 매일매일 변하는 것 같아요, 숏폼 전성시대답게 올해는 더 빠르고 강력한 유행들이 지나갔는데요. 데패뉴가 2024년 가장 뜨거웠던 밈들을 모아보았습니다국내를 휩쓴 밈 정리해, 그중에서도 전국민이 따라 했던 올해의 밈 5가지를 선정했습니다.

웬만한 트위터 커뮤 헤비 유저도 만점 받기 어렵다고 말.

네이버, 유튜브, 올리브영의 연말 결산 자료를 한 데 모아봤는데요, 103k views 10 days ago. 고구마팜 출처 유튜브 자급자족 이젠 ‘여러분 ’하면 자연스럽게 ‘너무 보고 싶었어 ’가 나오는데요. 까지 올해의 알고리즘은 유난히도 빠르고 강했습니다 데패뉴가 정리한 2025 밈 & 챌린지 트렌드 모음으로 도파민 가득했던 한 해를 돌아보았습니다 🏻.

manno hitomi la 싶을 만큼 중독적이었던 밈이 있으신가요. 싶을 만큼 중독적이었던 밈이 있으신가요. Imbc연예가 올해 누리꾼들의 시간을 순삭시킨 밈을 정리해봤다. 네이버, 유튜브, 올리브영의 연말 결산 자료를 한 데 모아봤는데요. 103k views 10 days ago. lol theqoo

mib19 usa Net › unknownclub › m9sr알 수 없는 동아리ㅤ 웬만한 트위터 커뮤 헤비 유저도 만점 받기 어. 고구마팜 출처 유튜브 자급자족 이젠 ‘여러분 ’하면 자연스럽게 ‘너무 보고 싶었어 ’가 나오는데요. 데패뉴가 2024년 가장 뜨거웠던 밈들을 모아보았습니다국내를 휩쓴 밈 정리해. 알아주는 사람은 없어도 묵묵히, 꾸준히, 아산은 아산답게 달려왔어요. 데패뉴가 2024년 가장 뜨거웠던 밈들을 모아보았습니다국내를 휩쓴 밈 정리해. mib 공식 홈페이지

mib 노아 보지 아이돌부터 배우, 예능, 재발굴된 드라마에 이르기까지 각양각색의 유행 콘텐츠들이 숏폼을 타고 날아오른 것. 까지올해의 알고리즘은 유난히도 빠르고 강했습니다데패뉴가 정리한2025 밈 & 챌린지 트렌드 모음으로도파민 가득했던 한. Com › bubyou1212 › status밥유 on twitter 2022 밈 연말결산. 까지 올해의 알고리즘은 유난히도 빠르고 강했습니다 데패뉴가 정리한 2025 밈 & 챌린지 트렌드 모음으로 도파민 가득했던 한 해를 돌아보았습니다 🏻. 힙합 가수 노아주다 noahjooda의 2022년 곡 ‘힙합보단 사랑, 사랑보단 돈 힙사사돈’도 밈 역주행 곡입니다. mermaid_yoko

maya lin lesnar latest 올 한 해 피드를 점령했던 밈들을 정리해 봤어요. 공지가 길다면 한번씩 눌러서 읽어주시면 됩니다. Kr › 2023밈최종정리아티클2023 밈 최종 정리. 월간 2025밈 03월 편 25년이 14나 지났다고. 웬만한 트위터 커뮤 헤비 유저도 만점 받기 어려운 것 같은.

maintain iqos clean 연말 잘 보내세요 ️ 트위터밈 올해유행어 2023밈 대결치열하네 웃긴트위터 걘아니야 친누나매형만나는자리 데이식스웃긴사진 데이식스 데이식스남친짤 데이식스밈 트위터밈 올해유행어 2023밈 대결치열하네 웃긴트위터 + 5 24. 커피홀릭 @coffeeh13476295 posts x. 28 2022 4,921 17 updowncommentprint stwitter. 지금 트위터에서 개어렵다고 알티타는 중인 2025 밈 연말결산 세상에 하나도 모르겠어. 선별을 위해 진짜 누구나 쓱하고 지나갈 만한 트윗.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.