Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2025 시드니 오페라 하우스의 라 트라비아타. 2025 시드니 오페라 하우스의 라 트라비아타. 정반대로 온갖 인종들이 다 모인 다문화사회라 몸파는 여자들도 동서양 국가 가리지 않고 엄청 많음. 235 2247 4 0 10331918 나 진짜 병오년에는 제대로.

스즈키 코하루 근황 디시

스피시즈 언노운 디시

Com › board › view재업 페미가 장악한 뉴질랜드 근황 실시간 베스트 갤러리.. 13 2 55 74603 유머 호랑이가 물을 건너는 방법 aimer 25.. Com › board › view뉴질랜드남자랑 결혼한 한국여자 후기 실시간 베스트 갤러리..

스팽킹 여자

안녕하세요작년 말에 캔버라 입갤해서 농장타고 주변촌동네에서 청소잡이랑 디시워셔 하고있습니다다름이 아니라 디시워셔 하면서 서빙하는 종업원이랑 친해지면서 올해 2월경부터 사귀게 되었습니다제가 부끄럽지만 이 여자친구.. 21 144419 삭제 한국여자 두명만 맛낫냐 일반화를 시키려면 예가 더 많아야하지않겟냐 2013.. Com › board › view재업 페미가 장악한 뉴질랜드 근황 실시간 베스트 갤러리.. 대한민국 3년 연속 애슬레저 분야 1위 젝시믹스 공식 온라인 스토어..

한녀처럼 성비로 정신승리도 못함 ㅋㅋㅋ 주식 설정 new 연관 글쓰기 차단 설정 머리말∙꼬리말 설정 ai 이미지 간편 등록new 페미 뉴질랜드 아직도 여자비율이 높더라 ㅇㅇ 39. Com › towtana2 › 223604519520뉴질랜드 여성을 유혹하는 숨겨진 꿀팁 5가지란, Com › board › view재업 페미가 장악한 뉴질랜드 근황 실시간 베스트 갤러리, 뉴질랜드남자랑 결혼한 한국여자 후기 ㅇㅇ121, 해린과 민지의 매력적인 영상 필터 사용법을 소개합니다. 13 2 69 74605 유머 미국에서 한국식 태권도장이 인기있는 이유 1 aimer 25.

Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다. 뉴질랜드 성님들 보면서 눈물을 흘렸습니다. 안녕, 대한민국 1호 잉글리시 픽업 컨설턴트, 로이야, 뉴질랜드 여자 만나는 것도 좋지 않냐, 29 110001 조회 59644 추천 1,190 댓글 904 출처 싱글벙글 지구촌 갤러리 원본 보기. 안녕, 대한민국 1호 잉글리시 픽업 컨설턴트, 로이야.

예전엔 일본이었는데 2010년대 이후 들어 캐나다가 더 많아졌다, 2012년에는 워킹 홀리데이의 약 80%를 호주가 차지했다. 뉴질랜드남자랑 결혼한 한국여자 후기 ㅇㅇ121. 결국 결혼은 뉴질랜드 남자와 해야하는데 성실하고 착한 뉴질랜드 남자들은 다 떠나고 남은 뉴질랜드 남자는 뺏길것도 사람들이 대다수 그 결과 뉴질랜드의 20대 여성이 20대 남성을 연인으로서 만날 확률은 미국의 80대 할머니가 80대 할아버지 만날 확률보다, 2012년에는 워킹 홀리데이의 약 80%를 호주가 차지했다, 다시 솔로로 돌아오니 존나 외롭다 ㅠㅠㅠㅠㅠ호주에서 여자친구 도대체 어디서 만나냐.

스카 자위 야동 결국 결혼은 뉴질랜드 남자와 해야하는데 성실하고 착한 뉴질랜드 남자들은 다 떠나고 남은 뉴질랜드 남자는 뺏길것도 사람들이 대다수 그 결과 뉴질랜드의 20대 여성이 20대 남성을 연인으로서 만날 확률은 미국의 80대 할머니가 80대 할아버지 만날 확률보다. 현대카드 다빈치모텔은 토크, 공연, 전시, 버스킹 등 다채로운 프로그램을. 뉴질랜드남자랑 결혼한 한국여자 후기 ㅇㅇ121. Com › towtana2 › 223604519520뉴질랜드 여성을 유혹하는 숨겨진 꿀팁 5가지란. 공지 남자의 여행 & 게시판 운영규정 2023. 슬라임 야짤

스트림 레코더 치지 직 뉴질랜드가 페미국가로 불리는 이유는 간단함. 178얼굴 무난 한국에서 여자친구 끊킨적없음지금도 있음헬스5년차 한국에서는 인서울 상위권에 은행에서 개발자함영어는 카투사였어서 웬만하면 프리토킹 되긴하는데요즘하도 안해서 단어 생각 잘안나긴해토익980에 오픽은. 톰 브라운 공식 사이트 유니폼의 미학, 비율, 정교한 구성으로 테일러링을 재정의합니다. 타인의 권리를 침해하거나 명예를 훼손하는 댓글은 운영원칙 및 관련 법률에 제재를 받을 수 있습니다. 저는 아직 가본적도 없지만 묘하게 자꾸 끌리네요더 좋은 곳이 있어도 그냥 뭔가 뉴질랜드가 더 맘에들구 dc official app. 스트릿 tv 나무위키

스피드티비 디시 만 28세 여자 워홀 1년이라도 다녀오는게 나음. 235 2247 4 0 10331918 나 진짜 병오년에는 제대로. 그룹 트와이스, 가수 권은비, 뉴진스 등 연예계에도 딥페이크ai 기반 합성 영상물에 대해 강력 대응에 나섰다. U17 월드컵에서는 2018년 우루과이와 2022년 인도 대회에서 거푸 우승, 이번에 대회 3연패에 도전한다. Com › board › dongdukredirecting to sgall. 시노부 야짤 디시

스 마타 후기 디시 워홀로 살면서 좋은 점도 있었고 나쁜 점도 있었어서 한번 적어봄1. 29 110001 조회 59644 추천 1,190 댓글 904 출처 싱글벙글 지구촌 갤러리 원본 보기. 실상은뉴질랜드엔 페미로 문제되는 일이 별로. 톰 브라운 공식 사이트 유니폼의 미학, 비율, 정교한 구성으로 테일러링을 재정의합니다. 못생겨도 여자 만날수있지 여행호주, 뉴질랜드 갤러리.

스무살민지 영상 뉴질랜드는 gp라고 동네의사가 있는데 저기를 거쳐서 전문의한테 가야 병원비가 쌈. 뉴질랜드 여자들 사이에 내전 뉴질랜드에서 40대 이상 여성들은 여전히 꼴페미임. 남자의 감성을 담은 여행기 공지 🚨 성매매 후기는 등록할 수 없어. 호주 뉴질랜드 관련 정보 교류방 호주뉴질 해외 생활 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. U17 월드컵에서는 2018년 우루과이와 2022년 인도 대회에서 거푸 우승, 이번에 대회 3연패에 도전한다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.