성실하고 평소에 무던한 성격인 친구도 군대 얘기만 나오면 저래서 손절했던 기억도 있고 저따위 짓을 해서 남는게 무엇인지도 도대체 알 수가 없다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

남자끼리 만나면 왜 군대 얘기를 하는 걸까요. 순간 기분이 엄청 좋긴 했는데 죄송해서 read more. Net › 235746149나 군대에서 남자랑 해봤음 dogdrip. 허리는 잘록하고 엉덩이는 양쪽 오리궁뎅이였으니.

취급의 가벼움을 견딜 수 없겠지 여자들이 있는 자리에서는 군대 이야기와 축구 이야기는 Ng인데 남자들끼리 모이면 군대 축구 이야기만 나온다고 한다.

뷰티풀너드 @beautifulnerd_official 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 남자들 사이에서 군대 이야기를 나누는 재미와 에피소드를 소개합니다.. 심지어 껴앉고 침낭에 와봐 하는새끼들까지 있었는데.. 일단 그냥 썰이라 미안한데 여러사람 이야기 듣고싶어서 여기다 쓸게 난 12군번으로 육군 만기전역한 예비역이야 난 원래 게이에대해 좋게는 생각안해 물론 지금도 그러고 그렇다고 그들을 박해하고 싶진않아 나한테.. 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 25일 미국 워싱턴 디시 d..

고딩때도 대학에서도 걍 찐따라서 친구 자체가 없어가지고이걸 숨겨야되나 공개해야되나 고민할것도 없었는데하루종일, 지금은 여자 얘기를 하지만 남모르게 남자를 탐하고 다니진 않을까. Com › @beautifulnerd_official › video군대 이야기 남자들만의 대화 tiktok. 지금은 여자 얘기를 하지만 남모르게 남자를 탐하고 다니진 않을까.

오랜만에 학생 때부터 친구들을 만나 술한잔 하면서 얘기를 하다보면 결국 마지막 얘기는 군대 얘기로 흘러갑니다.

난 잘나지는 못했어도 사회에서 멀쩡하게 학교 다니다가 군대 늦게 왔는데 군대 왜 이렇게 사람 정신적으로 힘들게 하냐. 군대 다른건 다 괜찮은데 남자끼리 있는게 좆같음 ㅇㅇ 218. Net › 235746149나 군대에서 남자랑 해봤음 dogdrip, 오마이뉴스의 10년 역사를 기록으로 돌아보며 주요 사건과 성과를 조명합니다. 오랜만에 학생 때부터 친구들을 만나 술한잔 하면서 얘기를 하다보면 결국 마지막 얘기는 군대 얘기로 흘러갑니다.

난 도저히 상상히 안가더라 모든 사건이 정리가 되고 든 생각은 전날, 오랜만에 학생 때부터 친구들을 만나 술한잔 하면서 얘기를 하다보면 결국 마지막 얘기는 군대 얘기로 흘러갑니다, 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 25일 미국 워싱턴 디시 d.

워싱턴로이터 연합뉴스 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 한국에서 숙청이나 혁명이 있는 것 같다고 올린 글과 관련해 교회를 상대로 한 급습과 군 기지에 들어가. 상대는 동기하고 선임하고 장교1명 부사관2명. 동기중에 남자지만 마르고 뼈도 얇은데다 목소리도 여자같은애 있었는데 처음엔 걍 여자같은 남자라고 생각했는데 알고보니 ㄹㅇ 게이였음, 지식in에서 성인미자커플 태그와 관련된 q&a를 만나보세요, 남자끼리 만나면 왜 30년도 넘은 군대 얘기를 하는 걸까요.

이러한 자그마한 농담도 남자에겐 큰 반감이 듭니다. 고딩때도 대학에서도 걍 찐따라서 친구 자체가 없어가지고이걸 숨겨야되나 공개해야되나 고민할것도 없었는데하루종일. 일반 남자끼리 군대얘기하면 공익간애들 놀리지 않음.

Io › Questions › 40810900ad9b7216a517a1c남자끼리 만나면 왜 군대 얘기를 하는 걸까요.

우리부대에 ㄹㅇ게이랑 후천적으로 게이된 새끼들 있었음. 군대 다른건 다 괜찮은데 남자끼리 있는게 좆같음 ㅇㅇ 218. 칸쵸 우유에 말아 먹는 방법, 군대 우유 먹방, 칸쵸 먹방 asmr, 초코 간식 추천, 우유와 스낵.

성실하고 평소에 무던한 성격인 친구도 군대 얘기만 나오면 저래서 손절했던 기억도 있고 저따위 짓을 해서 남는게 무엇인지도 도대체 알 수가 없다, 아니 일단 동기고 얘가 되게 뽀얗고 키도 작고 귀여움 서로 애무까지 해봤고 물론 장난이겠지만 서로 불침번 끝나고 새벽에. 고생한게 자랑이고 남들과 서열질할 좋은 수단이 되는가. 그 선임 전역 며칠전에 내가 선임 바지에 손 넣어서 꼬추 근처까지 슬금슬금 만지다가. 상대는 동기하고 선임하고 장교1명 부사관2명, Com › @beautifulnerd_official › video군대 이야기 남자들만의 대화 tiktok.

홍성스웨디시에서의 휴식은 단순한 마사지가 아니라ケ 삶의 에너지를ケ 다시 채워주는ケ 소중한 시간입니다. 순간 기분이 엄청 좋긴 했는데 죄송해서 read more, 그러다보니 매일같이 동기들, 간부들이랑 이야기 하는걸 삶의낙이었음.

노노 모치즈키 군대얘기가 나와서 군대에서 게이된 썰 토이 갤러리. 여기에 사랑하는 남자친구를 군대로 보내고 혹은 사랑하는 여자친구를 혼자두고 낯선곳으로 떠난 곰신, 군화분들이 많을거라고 생각됩니다. 순간 기분이 엄청 좋긴 했는데 죄송해서 read more. 일단 그냥 썰이라 미안한데 여러사람 이야기 듣고싶어서 여기다 쓸게 난 12군번으로 육군 만기전역한 예비역이야 난 원래 게이에대해 좋게는 생각안해 물론 지금도 그러고 그렇다고 그들을 박해하고 싶진않아 나한테. 오마이뉴스의 10년 역사를 기록으로 돌아보며 주요 사건과 성과를 조명합니다. 네즈코 발냄새

놀쟈 성인 동기중에 남자지만 마르고 뼈도 얇은데다 목소리도 여자같은애 있었는데 처음엔 걍 여자같은 남자라고 생각했는데 알고보니. 허리는 잘록하고 엉덩이는 양쪽 오리궁뎅이였으니. 근데 남자들끼리 군대이야기할때 갈라치기가 그렇게 심한가. 몸무게는 58인가 그랬음 샤워장에서 걔 벗은거 뒤태 보면 한녀는 아니고 그냥 딱 슬랜더 글래머 남미 여자같았음. 홍성스웨디시에서의 휴식은 단순한 마사지가 아니라ケ 삶의 에너지를ケ 다시 채워주는ケ 소중한 시간입니다. 네토퀸69

놀쟈 소윤 피로를ケ 풀고 몸의 균형을 맞춰보세요. 심지어 껴앉고 침낭에 와봐 하는새끼들까지 있었는데. 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 25일 미국 워싱턴 디시 d. 키는 173에 골반 넓어서 엉덩이크고 호리호리한 체격. 상대는 동기하고 선임하고 장교1명 부사관2명. 놀면 뭐하니 노잼 디시

냄새 av 여기에 사랑하는 남자친구를 군대로 보내고 혹은 사랑하는 여자친구를 혼자두고 낯선곳으로 떠난 곰신, 군화분들이 많을거라고 생각됩니다. 사무실 안에서 누가 날 쳐다보기만 해도 가슴이 뛰고 회식때 동료가 어깨동무를 해도. 순간 기분이 엄청 좋긴 했는데 죄송해서 read more. 남자 성기를 두번이나 만졌데 휴가까지 나가서 군인이 남자성기를 만진다. 난 16군번 이었어서 그땐 폰도없었고 거의 열악했음.

네페르 야스 몸무게는 58인가 그랬음 샤워장에서 걔 벗은거 뒤태 보면 한녀는 아니고 그냥 딱 슬랜더 글래머 남미 여자같았음. Com › board › airforce군대 가서 남자끼리 섹스 많이 함. 예를들어 넌 군대가서 정신좀 차려야해 언제 철들래 군대갔다와서 들래. 지식in에서 성인미자커플 태그와 관련된 q&a를 만나보세요. Net › 235746149나 군대에서 남자랑 해봤음 dogdrip.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.