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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

걍 정면돌파하고 후속대처를 잘해야할텐데 일한다해놓고 하꼬남버랑 뒷겜하면서 육수우리는 트윗은 쉽지않긴하네 육수우리는 방일수록 더 조심. 찾아보니깐 안그래도 가치코이 찐하게 하는 방이었는데 아프다 휴방하고 남버랑 뒷겜 + 작업한다 트윗치면서 육수우렸는데 그때 남버랑 뒷겜. Com › watch날조 없음 스타드림 유레이 youtube. Net › dsk › 130278365추꾸 어제 유레이 뒷겜해서 터진 이슈 이루네도 깊게 연관되어 있었.

디코 초대 받고 이후부터 스트리머들이랑 게임했다는거 인정함 사연 읽으면서 뒷겜중 트윗 팩트 금동화한테 다 갖다바.

Dalx 전혀 이해가 안가서 크로아가 여자 버튜버 인데 어떻게 파묘하다가 유레이가 뛰쳐나왔나 해서.. 찾아보니깐 안그래도 가치코이 찐하게 하는 방이었는데 아프다 휴방하고 남버랑 뒷겜 + 작업한다 트윗치면서 육수우렸는데 그때 남버랑 뒷겜..

유레이 뒷겜 파멸적인 부분 버츄얼 스나 미니 갤러리.

동화도 이제 유레이 잘나가야되니까 보내줌.

크로아에 소속되어있는 버튜버 유레이가 구라까고 남버랑 뒷겜하다 걸려서사과했는데 민심 창낫는데그 밝혀진 과정이 크로아를 좋게 안보던 늪지대, 그러다가 크로아 멤버들 뒷배그 기록에서 유레이를 포함한 몇몇 남버들과 다른 여버까지 기록된게 까발라짐, 유레이 사건보면 뒷겜도 뒷겜인데 구라친게 큰듯 치지직. 뭔일이야 하고 찾아보니까 해명문이 엄청나네. 금동화한테 다 갖다바치면서 사귀는 사이는 아니다 팩트 제목은 현재까지 밝혀진 이라고 썼지만 사실상 더 나올것도 없어보임 ㅇㅇ 저게 최종일듯 입만 벌리면 구라에 근자들이랑 뒷겜 존나게 돌리는 년은 못보겠다 하면 가시면 되고.

유레이 사건보면 뒷겜도 뒷겜인데 구라친게 큰듯 치지직.

가치코이하는 여자버튜버가 남자스트리머들이랑 뒷겜 하다, 10 1504 옆동네에 프리아가 폭로로 터져봤으니 크로아도 똑같이 터트리려다가 익숙한닉넴이 보여서 터트림, 단순 뒷겜이면 육수 찐하게 우리던 여.

스트리머도 사람인데 뒷겜한다고 그걸로 죽이려들진 않지 거짓말이 가장 큰 문젠데 방송에서 자기는 배그 못한다고 거짓말로 이미지 만들어 놓으려던.. 디코 초대 받고 이후부터 스트리머들이랑 게임했다는거 인정함 사연 읽으면서 뒷겜중 트윗 팩트 금동화한테 다 갖다바..

핀트를 잘못잡는데 유레이 뒷겜자체는 문제가 안됨ㅋㅋ.

동화도 이제 유레이 잘나가야되니까 보내줌. 시발 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 뒷겜하면서 실시간 기만질은 첨보는데 10. Dalx 전혀 이해가 안가서 크로아가 여자 버튜버 인데 어떻게 파묘하다가 유레이가 뛰쳐나왔나 해서. 시발 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 뒷겜하면서 실시간 기만질은 첨보는데 10.

Net › dsk › 130278365추꾸 어제 유레이 뒷겜해서 터진 이슈 이루네도 깊게 연관되어 있었. 유레이 뒷겜 파멸적인 부분 버츄얼 스나 미니 갤러리. 난 솔직히 그거 다 찾아보고 더이상은 못보겠더라 해명도 동화햄만 해서 끝날일이 아님저건.

Com › 9012257722유레이 뒷겜 걸린게 악어 버튜버 그룹 파묘하다 걸린거라고, 찾아보니깐 안그래도 가치코이 찐하게 하는 방이었는데 아프다 휴방하고 남버랑 뒷겜 + 작업한다 트윗치면서 육수우렸는데 그때 남버랑 뒷겜. 유레이 사건보면 뒷겜도 뒷겜인데 구라친게 큰듯 치지직.

뷰리다 통합팩 핀트를 잘못잡는데 유레이 뒷겜자체는 문제가 안됨ㅋㅋ. 만약 남자 버튜버였으면 파다가 나올수 있겠다. 단순 뒷겜이면 육수 찐하게 우리던 여. Subscribed 24 410 views 9 days ago 스타드림 유레이 버튜버 유레이 스타드림 버튜버 유레이 urei 유튜브more. 겜한다면 겜한다말하고하던가 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 일한다하고 남버랑 뒤겜 걸린게 시청자들한테 구라친게 큰거같네. 버 튜버 사이다 논란

봄툰 광고 디시 난 솔직히 그거 다 찾아보고 더이상은 못보겠더라 해명도 동화햄만 해서 끝날일이 아님저건. 내 남편임 내 남편임 무슨 말이야 내 남편임 유랑이들 내 남편임 내꺼임 많이 사랑해 아이시떼루 메챠메챠 아이시떼루. 사건 발생 직전 스타드림 평청 유레이 700@ 그림뱅 1000 이루네 400@ 하나빈 200@ 온하얀 100@ 현시점 스타드림 평청. 사건 발생 직전 스타드림 평청 유레이 700@ 그림뱅 1000 이루네 400@ 하나빈 200@ 온하얀 100@ 현시점 스타드림 평청. 그러다가 크로아 멤버들 뒷배그 기록에서 유레이를 포함한 몇몇 남버들과 다른 여버까지 기록된게 까발라짐. 보추 몸 만들기

불빠따 근육남 유레이님 뭔가 했더니 남자랑 뒷겜 이슈구나 치지직. 디코 초대 받고 이후부터 스트리머들이랑 게임했다는거 인정함 사연 읽으면서 뒷겜중 트윗 팩트 금동화한테 다 갖다바. 10 1504 옆동네에 프리아가 폭로로 터져봤으니 크로아도 똑같이 터트리려다가 익숙한닉넴이 보여서 터트림. 찾아보니깐 안그래도 가치코이 찐하게 하는 방이었는데 아프다 휴방하고 남버랑 뒷겜 + 작업한다 트윗치면서 육수우렸는데 그때 남버랑 뒷겜. Net › dsk › 130278365추꾸 어제 유레이 뒷겜해서 터진 이슈 이루네도 깊게 연관되어 있었. 밴드넘어가기 직전

브롤 야스짤 Subscribed 24 410 views 9 days ago 스타드림 유레이 버튜버 유레이 스타드림 버튜버 유레이 urei 유튜브more. 유레이 뒷겜 걸린게 악어 버튜버 그룹 파묘하다 걸린거라고. 난 솔직히 그거 다 찾아보고 더이상은 못보겠더라 해명도 동화햄만 해서 끝날일이 아님저건. 10 0838 ㅇㅇ94 웜매 시벌 10. 동화도 이제 유레이 잘나가야되니까 보내줌.

부부섭 트위터 스트리머도 사람인데 뒷겜한다고 그걸로 죽이려들진 않지 거짓말이 가장 큰 문젠데 방송에서 자기는 배그 못한다고 거짓말로 이미지 만들어 놓으려던. 본인 버알못임 지금까지 유레이 관련 불타는거 요약한게. 내 남편임 내 남편임 무슨 말이야 내 남편임 유랑이들 내 남편임 내꺼임 많이 사랑해 아이시떼루 메챠메챠 아이시떼루. 유레이 입벌구는 제대로 집어서 사과했고 동화한테 비비고 다닌다를 동화가 비빈 디코 스샷으로 그쪽이 비볐고 난 거절도 여러번 했다랑 크니까 변했다고 하꼬들이 머리채 잡아서 뒷겜 부르는거 못빠졌다고 해서 거짓말에 대한 사과+화살돌리기로 여론이 좋아짐. 디코 초대 받고 이후부터 스트리머들이랑 게임했다는거 인정함 사연 읽으면서 뒷겜중 트윗 팩트 금동화한테 다 갖다바.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.