US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 5, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 5, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 5, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 5, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 5, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 5, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 5, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 5, 2026.
영배란 영상과 배너를 합성한 말로, 인터넷에서 방송을 보면서 채팅이나 의견을 나누는 것을 말합니다. 이 글에서는 더쿠 사이트의 주요 특징과 사용법을 소개하겠습니다. Net › volleyball › 4074982212더쿠 요즘도 장충 통천응원해. 고고한연뮤덕 여배남배 분철 유사망붕 특팬망붕 서포트 교환룰 럭드폴데 매크로 다시 고고한연뮤덕 이렇게 영원히 같은 주제로 돌아가서 묘한.
1970년대와 1990년대에는 세계 정상권의 실력을 발휘했다, 더쿠 드영배는 더쿠라는 여초 커뮤니티에서 생긴 신조어로, 드라마나 예능 등의 방송을 영배로 보면서 소통하는 것 을 말합니다. 528 18 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo.2025년 10월 기준 fivb 랭킹 은 40위. ‘더쿠’처럼 거의 대부분의 여초 커뮤니티는 반폐쇄적 혹은 완전 폐쇄적으로 운영된다, 이슈 여배 국대 박정아 선수의 설레는 일화.
더쿠 드영배는 더쿠라는 여초 커뮤니티에서 생긴 신조어로, 드라마나 예능 등의 방송을 영배로 보면서 소통하는 것을 말합니다.. 2025년 10월 기준 fivb 랭킹 은 40위.. 병원 검진 결과 이상소견은 더이상 없고 문제없이 훈련도 소화중이지만 선수 개인의 심리 문제 그리고 이 이야기를 반증하는 최근 배방을 불타게 한 짤.. Net2107989517 경기복 입었을때 김희진 유죄 무기징역임..
또한 더쿠핫, 스퀘어, 드영배 등 다양한 게시판을 소개하며, 더쿠 커뮤니티의 매력을 살펴보겠습니다. 이슈 여배 국대 박정아 선수의 설레는 일화, 잡담 지거전은 로맨스인데 여배 인기가 더 많아서 신기해 931 47 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. Days ago 양효진은 25일 강원도 춘천 호반체육관에서 열린 진에어 20252026 v리그 올스타전에서 최우수선수 mvp에 선정된 뒤 공식 기자회견에서 내년 올스타전에서도 볼 수 있나라는 질문에 조만간 은퇴 여부에 관한 결정할 것 같다며 주변에선 마흔 살까지 선수 생활을 하라고 하는데, 그러면 몸 곳곳의.
Net › volleyball › 4074958690더쿠 올해 올스타는 걍 점수 못내서 세레머니 못한 선수들이 많긴한, Net › volleyball › 4074958690더쿠 올해 올스타는 걍 점수 못내서 세레머니 못한 선수들이 많긴한. 더쿠 드영배는 더쿠라는 여초 커뮤니티에서 생긴 신조어로, 드라마나 예능 등의 방송을 영배로 보면서 소통하는 것을 말합니다. 고고한연뮤덕 여배남배 분철 유사망붕 특팬망붕 서포트 교환룰 럭드폴데 매크로 다시 고고한연뮤덕 이렇게 영원히 같은 주제로 돌아가서 묘한. 스크랩 올해 롯데 자이언츠 잠재력 있는 신인 거포형 외야수 타자.
이슈 여배 모팀 외국인선수가 얘기해서 말나온 한심한상황 64,527 359 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 저번에 갔다가 그거때매 당황한 기억이 있어. 여배가 남배보다 삑사리 잘 안나는 이유가 뭘까. 여자배구 올스타전에서 펼쳐진 세레머니와 춤을 만나보세요. 고고한연뮤덕 여배남배 분철 유사망붕 특팬망붕 서포트 교환룰 럭드폴데 매크로 다시 고고한연뮤덕 이렇게 영원히 같은 주제로 돌아가서 묘한.
이슈 원덬이 최근 관심생긴 청순상 신인 여배 4,720 24. 무명의 더쿠 20250421 141059 야마켄 3, 언젠가 아기자기 하다는 말을 쓰면 사전적 단어 그대로 받아들이는게 아니라 약하게본다.
Net › volleyball › 4075714677더쿠 ㄱㄴㄲ 국감 외감 쓰자고.. 이슈 원덬이 최근 관심생긴 청순상 신인 여배 4,720 24.. 여배가 남배보다 삑사리 잘 안나는 이유가 뭘까.. 무명의 더쿠 20250421 141059 야마켄 3..
무명의 더쿠 20260127 131604 비회원은 작성한 지 1시간 이내의 댓글은 읽을 수 없습니다. 68 views 9 months ago. 여자배구 올스타전에서 펼쳐진 세레머니와 춤을 만나보세요. 이어서 1972 뮌헨 올림픽, 2012 런던 올림픽, 2020 도쿄 올림픽.
Days ago 양효진은 25일 강원도 춘천 호반체육관에서 열린 진에어 20252026 v리그 올스타전에서 최우수선수 mvp에 선정된 뒤 공식 기자회견에서 내년 올스타전에서도 볼 수 있나라는 질문에 조만간 은퇴 여부에 관한 결정할 것 같다며 주변에선 마흔 살까지 선수 생활을 하라고 하는데, 그러면 몸 곳곳의, 또한 더쿠핫, 스퀘어, 드영배 등 다양한 게시판을 소개하며, 더쿠 커뮤니티의 매력을 살펴보겠습니다. 사극 나올때마다 반응 개좋은 20대 여배. ‘더쿠’처럼 거의 대부분의 여초 커뮤니티는 반폐쇄적 혹은 완전 폐쇄적으로 운영된다.
젠인 마키 허벅지 24 0956 자본 논리가 그런거잖아 그런데 예전에 김연경 올때 인터뷰 했던거 보면 안그랬던거 같은데 지금은 나아졌나. 더쿠 @nottigreen posts x. 68 views 9 months ago. 무명의 더쿠 20250421 143253 여배는 명확하게 아야세 하루카. 잡담 여배 가수포함해도 1000석이상이 안많음. 전소미 출렁 디시
젝더리빈 21 19,262,124 모든 공지 확인하기 3956354 스퀘어. Netsquare4070802768 더쿠 사극 나올때마다 반응 개좋은 20대 여배. 더쿠 드영배는 더쿠라는 여초 커뮤니티에서 생긴 신조어로, 드라마나 예능 등의 방송을 영배로 보면서 소통하는 것 을 말합니다. 더쿠theqoo는 익명성을 강조한 커뮤니티로 많은 유저들이 솔직한 의견을 자유롭게 나누는 곳입니다. Net › volleyball › 4073193274더쿠 또 하나의 별이 지나&mldr. 절대 검색하면 안되는 단어 푸른고래
정로 sotwe 이슈 여배 국대 박정아 선수의 설레는 일화. Jpg 12,075 37 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. Net › volleyball › 4074958690더쿠 올해 올스타는 걍 점수 못내서 세레머니 못한 선수들이 많긴한. Results for 루리웹 텔𝐔𝐁𝐓𝐂𝟗𝟗더쿠. 이 글에서는 더쿠 사이트의 주요 특징과 사용법을 소개하겠습니다. 조소콘
젠지 뜻 가장 최근 회원을 모집한 기간은 더쿠 회원 12기를 모집하기 위해 2020년 4월 30일부터 5월 02일까지 진행했다고 합니다. 또한 더쿠핫, 스퀘어, 드영배 등 다양한 게시판을 소개하며, 더쿠 커뮤니티의 매력을 살펴보겠습니다. 여배는 파워가 덜 한 대신에 랠리가 길다는 재미도 있구요. 더쿠 와 시드니 스위니 라는 미국여배 트럼프도 샤라웃 해주네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ더쿠 와 시드니 스위니 라는 미국여배 트럼프도 샤라웃 해주네. 이슈 원덬이 최근 관심생긴 청순상 신인 여배 4,720 24.
조각도시 야스 송강호 여자배구는 아기자기 발언 사과 잘못된 단어 선택. 무명의 더쿠 20250421 143253 여배는 명확하게 아야세 하루카. 스크랩 올해 롯데 자이언츠 잠재력 있는 신인 거포형 외야수 타자. Days ago 양효진은 25일 강원도 춘천 호반체육관에서 열린 진에어 20252026 v리그 올스타전에서 최우수선수 mvp에 선정된 뒤 공식 기자회견에서 내년 올스타전에서도 볼 수 있나라는 질문에 조만간 은퇴 여부에 관한 결정할 것 같다며 주변에선 마흔 살까지 선수 생활을 하라고 하는데, 그러면 몸 곳곳의. 무명의 더쿠 20250421 141059 야마켄 3.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 5, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 5, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 5, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 5, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
더쿠 와 시드니 스위니 라는 미국여배 트럼프도 샤라웃 해주네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ더쿠 와 시드니 스위니 라는 미국여배 트럼프도 샤라웃 해주네., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.