Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

인터넷 언론사 t사가 영화배우 손예진의 합성 사진을 기사에 버젓이 게재해 물의를 일으키고 있다. 지난주 열린 언론 시사회 후 일부에서 ‘대역이 아니냐’는. 이 사진은 네티즌이 합성한 것으로, 오래 전부터 인터넷을 통해 유포된. Com › 9435571487넷플릭스에 어쩔수가없다 봤는데 이거 박찬욱감독꺼 맞음.

한 인터넷 신문사가 영화배우 손예진의 가슴이 드러난 합성 사진을 인용해 해당기사를 작성해 물의를 빚고 있다.. 부천국제영화제bifan로 오랜만에 영화 팬들을 직접 만난 손예진이 감사의 마음을 전했다.. 서울뉴시스 신효령 기자 배우 손예진이 물오른 미모를 뽐냈다.. 손예진사진 연합뉴스제18회 부천국제판타스틱영화제pifan 레드카펫 행사가 17일 오후 경기도 부천시 원미구 부천체육관에서 열렸다..

천지창조 게이

손예진의 유두는 분명히 돋은 유두에 해당한다.. 톱스타 손예진의 파격 노출이 연일 화제를 모으고 있다.. 이 사진은 네티즌이 합성한 것으로, 오래 전부터 인터넷을 통해 유포된..

최사랑 올노

손예진 가슴골 노출 드레스 달랑 옷핀 하나에 고정 osen부천,박준형 기자 17일 오후 경기도 부천시 원미구 부천실내체육관에서 열린 제18회 부천국제판타스틱영화제집행위원장 김영빈, 이하 pifan 개막식 레드카펫 행사서 손예진이 레드카펫을 밟고 있다, 배우 손예진이 관능적인 매력을 발산했다. 배우 손예진이 최근 불거진 성형수술 의혹을 무보정 사진으로 잠재웠다. 배우 손예진이 파격적인 노출 연기를 선보여 눈길을 끌고 있는 가운데 대역 논란을 일축하고 나섰다. 14일 오후 서울 용산cgv에서 열린 아내가 결혼했다감독 정윤수, 제작 주피터필름의 언론시사회에서 손예진은 시나리오를 받아보니 캐릭터가 너무 강하고 여배우의 이미지에 좋지 않은 영향을.

초록모자 벌칙 디시

사진 속 손예진은 레스토랑에서 식사를 기다리고. 손예진 가슴 노출 했다vs안했다 스포츠경향, 한 인터넷 매체가 배우 손예진의 합성사진을 게재했다가 삭제해 물의를 빚었다.

츄 erome 배우 손예진의 가슴이 드러난 합성사진이 한 인터넷 매체를 통해 게재돼 논란을 일으켰다. 사진 속 손예진은 레스토랑에서 식사를 기다리고. 게다가, 2022년 11월 27일에 출산. 손예진은 17일 오후 경기도 부천시 원미구 부천실내체육관에서 열린 제18회 부천국제판타스틱영화제pifan 개막식에 참석했다. 손예진은 6일 인스타그램에 bifan 일정을 소화 중인 모습을 공개하며 부천영화제 기간동안 팬분들 관객분들 만나고 돌아가는 지금 가슴이 뜨겁다며 여러분들이 저를 바라보는 눈빛, 응원과 사랑이 가득. 책읽어주는 여자 mib 다시 보기

천미경 nude 메뉴 닫기 팬더티비 출신 나는찬미 꼭지 잡고 가슴을 완전 꺼내서 재정리 6. 손예진 가슴노출 합성 물의 일으켜 사과드립니다. Kr › article › 200810222149286손예진 가슴 노출 했다vs안했다. 손예진 젖꼭지 나올때 기대했는데 아무것도없네. 손예진, 가슴 노출했지만 품위는 여전해옷핀 하나로 볼륨감 넘치는 몸매 과시 손예진 배우 손예진이 제 18회 부천국제판타스틱영화제pifan에서. 체인소맨 아헤가오

천사티비 링크 디시 영화의 첫 장면을 과감한 애정 신으로 장식한 손예진은 갈등이 첨예화되는 중후반부에 이르러 올 누드를 선보인다. 배우 손예진이 관능적인 매력을 발산했다. 최근 인터넷 커뮤니티에는 손예진이 촬영한 의류 화보 사진에 게재됐고. 배우 손예진이 최근 불거진 성형수술 의혹을 무보정 사진으로 잠재웠다. 영화의 첫 장면을 과감한 애정 신으로 장식한 손예진은 갈등이 첨예화되는 중후반부에 이르러 올 누드를 선보인다. 체인소맨 마키마야스

체인소맨 야한 손예진배우 손예진의 레드카펫 패션이 화제다. 사진 속 손예진은 레스토랑에서 식사를 기다리고. 배우 손예진이 파격적인 노출 연기를 선보여 눈길을 끌고 있는 가운데 대역 논란을 일축하고 나섰다. 지난주 열린 언론 시사회 후 일부에서 ‘대역이 아니냐’는. 본명 손언진 프로필 영화배우, 탤런트 출생일1982년 1월 11일 대구광역시 신체 키 몸무게 165cm, 45kg소속사바른손엔터테인먼트학력서울예술대학 영화과 중퇴수상2010년 제46회 백상예술대상 패셔니스타상 관련정보 네이버영화 볼 때마다 자극을 주는 영화들 김제동의.

체인소맨 레제 동인지 Kr › news › articleview손예진 논란 올누드 노출, 몸사리지 않고 직접 했어요. 지난주 열린 언론 시사회 후 일부에서 ‘대역이 아니냐’는. Kr › news › articleview손예진 가슴노출 파문, 소속사 법적 대응은 없을 듯 헤프닝으로 본다. 한 인터넷 신문사가 영화배우 손예진의 가슴이 드러난 합성 사진을 인용해 해당기사를 작성해 물의를 빚고 있다. 이 매체는 지난 1일 ‘전현무 아나운서, 손예진 형부될 뻔한 사연 화제’라는 제목의 기사에서 손예진의 가슴이 드러난 사진을 실었다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.