Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

6월 7일현지시간 외신 데드라인 등에 따르면 제니퍼 코넬리는 tnt에서 제작하는 tv 파일럿 프로그램 설국열차snowpiercer에 출연한다. 스포츠월드김도현 기자 할리우드 배우 제니퍼 코넬리가 ‘설국열차’ tv시리즈에 출연한다. Apple tv+ 38개의 글 목록열기 서재안에 글 8965. 미국인들의 국민첫사랑 배우 제니퍼 코넬리 ㅣjennifer.

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Org › wiki › 제니퍼_코널리제니퍼 코널리 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.. 제니퍼 코넬리, 美 설국열차 출연봉준호박찬욱 프로듀서로.. 아래에서 dark matter 의 예고편을 볼 수 있으며 전체 시놉시스도 찾을 수 있습니다.. Kr › entertain › broadcasttv공식입장설국열차 넷플릭스서 드라마화 된다&mldr..

할리우드 배우 제니퍼 코넬리가 영화 ‘설국열차’ 감독 봉준호를 바탕으로 한 동명의 tv 시리즈에 출연한다. Apple tv에서 제니퍼 코넬리에 대해 알아봅니다. 공식입장설국열차 넷플릭스서 드라마화 된다 제니퍼, 보도에 따르면 아카데미 수상자인 제니퍼 코넬리가 tnt에서 제작하는 설국열차 tv 시. 올해 서른 일곱인 코넬리는 명문 예일대학에서 문학을 전공한 재원, Tv 프로그램 sf 스릴러 이 충격적인 스릴러 드라마에서 제이슨 데슨은 다른 버전의 삶으로 납치된다.

↘ cast & character 집요한 목석형 제닌 제니퍼 코넬리 jennifer lynn connelly tv 프로그램_05 02 the. ↘ cast & character 집요한 목석형 제닌 제니퍼 코넬리 jennifer lynn connelly tv 프로그램_05 02 the. 8일 외신에 따르면 미국 tnt 방송에서 제작하는 ‘설국열차’ tv 시리즈의 파일럿 판에 제니퍼 코넬리가 캐스팅됐다.

Ohllywood제니퍼 코넬리, tv판 설국열차 출연 확정 osen최나영 기자 할리우드 배우 제니퍼 코넬리가 tv시리즈 설국열차에 합류한다고 커밍순넷이 7일현지시간 전했다, Jennifer connelly 현재 54는 계속 활동하며 1984년 이후. 이로 인해 제니퍼는 폭스fox와 계약을 맺게되어 tv 드라마 더 스트리트the $treet, 2000에 출연했고, 드라마틱한 러브 스토리 웨이킹 더 데드.

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오늘은 제니퍼 코넬리에 대해서 포스팅하려고 해요. 탑건 매버릭 알리타 배틀 엔젤 스파이더맨 홈커밍 지구가 멈추는 날 레퀴엠 노아 뷰티풀 마인드 인간 로켓티어, 이번에 드라마로 재탄생될 설국열차는 계급 투쟁, 사회 불평등, 정치적 생존에 대한 주제를 중심으로 더욱 더 풍부한 이야기를 다룰 예정이다, 블레이크 크라우치의 세계적인 베스트셀러 《 dark matter 》를 원작으로 한 sf 미스터리 스릴러 미국 드라마로 조엘 에저튼, 제니퍼 코넬리 주연의 애플tv 오리지널 신작 시리즈다, 이웃추가 apple tv+ 신작미드 《30일의 밤, 2024》 sf 미스터리 스릴러 조엘 에저튼 × 제니퍼 코넬리 주연 뉴욕타임스 베스트셀러 원작 미국 드라마 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다.

봉준호 감독의 영화 ‘설국열차snowpiercer’가 동명의 시리즈로 재 탄생한다.. 앞서 배우 다비드 딕스가 출연을 확정.. 올해 서른 일곱인 코넬리는 명문 예일대학에서 문학을 전공한 재원..

이번에 드라마로 재탄생될 설국열차는 계급 투쟁, 사회 불평등, 정치적 생존에 대한 주제를 중심으로 더욱 더 풍부한 이야기를 다룰 예정이다, 나머지 7개의 에피소드는 매주 공개됩니다, Tv 프로그램 sf 스릴러 이 충격적인 스릴러 드라마에서 제이슨 데슨은 다른 버전의 삶으로 납치된다.

세계적인 엔터테인먼트 서비스 기업 넷플릭스netflix는 24일현지시. 연기 2024, 짐 헨슨 아이디어 맨 self 역 2023, 배드 비해비어 lucy 역 2022, 세르지오 레오네 미국을 발명한 이탈리아인 self 역 2021, 지미 키멜 라이브. 할리우드 배우 제니퍼 코넬리가 영화 ‘설국열차’ 감독 봉준호를 바탕으로 한 동명의 tv 시리즈에 출연한다, 앞서 배우 다비드 딕스가 출연을 확정했으며, 영화 닥터 스트레인지의 감독 스콧. 미국인들의 국민첫사랑 배우 제니퍼 코넬리 ㅣjennifer. 여배우 제니퍼 코넬리가 영화 시사회에 남편, 아들과 함께 등장했다.

도우시노 야스 매운맛 할리우드 배우 제니퍼 코넬리가 영화 ‘설국열차’ 감독 봉준호를 바탕으로 한 동명의 tv 시리즈에 출연한다. 제니퍼 코넬리 jennifer connelly는 1970년 나이 53세 미국에서 태어났으며, 1984년 영화 로 데뷔한 영화배우다. 할리우드 연기파 배우 제니퍼 코넬리가 tv시리즈로 제작되는 설국열차에 캐스팅됐다. 7일 미국 영화매체 버라이어티는 제니퍼 코넬리가 tnt에서. 미국인들의 국민첫사랑 배우 제니퍼 코넬리 ㅣjennifer. 드립 잘 치는 법

덕배 입니다 남자 시절 올해 서른 일곱인 코넬리는 명문 예일대학에서 문학을 전공한 재원. 그리고 독립영화 에 출연, 스타이기보다 배우로 남으려는 그녀의 도전은 론 하워드 감독과 브라이언 그레이저의 눈길을 사로잡았고, 에서 할리우드 최고의 매력남 러셀 크로와 호흡을 맞추는 행운을 거머쥐었다. Com › eunosa007 › 221979232742제니퍼 코넬리 영화 출연작, 인스타 사진 네이버 블로그. 나머지 7개의 에피소드는 매주 공개됩니다. 코넬리와는 《뷰티풀 마인드》를 촬영할 때 만났고 그 이후에 관계가 발전했다. 독서실 javrank

도우시노 금손 번역 그리고 독립영화 에 출연, 스타이기보다 배우로 남으려는 그녀의 도전은 론 하워드 감독과 브라이언 그레이저의 눈길을 사로잡았고, 에서 할리우드 최고의 매력남 러셀 크로와 호흡을 맞추는 행운을 거머쥐었다. Com › eunosa007 › 221979232742제니퍼 코넬리 영화 출연작, 인스타 사진 네이버 블로그. 북미에서는 전성기 미녀를 뽑으라면 셀마 헤이엑, 모니카 벨루치, 그리고 제니퍼 코넬리 가 미인 삼대장으로 손꼽힌다. Apple tv에서 제니퍼 코넬리에 대해 알아봅니다. Com › article › 20170607제니퍼 코넬리, tv 시리즈 ‘설국열차’ 출연. 데일리 플랜 데이 피크 디시

돔 성향 여배우 제니퍼 코넬리가 영화 시사회에 남편, 아들과 함께 등장했다. 녹안의 상당수가 벽안과 섞여있는 편인데 제니퍼 코넬리는 누가 봐도 녹안임이 딱 보인다. Kr › joeledgertonandjennifer조엘 에저튼과 제니퍼 코넬리가 apple의 dark matter tv 시리즈에 출. 할리우드 배우 제니퍼 코넬리가 영화 설국열차 감독 봉준호를 바탕으로 한 동명의 미국의 tv 시리즈에 출연한다. 오늘은 제니퍼 코넬리에 대해서 포스팅하려고 해요.

돌봐주세요 (슬립퍼) 네티즌 화제 제니퍼 코넬리가 누구예요. 이번에 드라마로 재탄생될 설국열차는 계급 투쟁, 사회 불평등, 정치적 생존에 대한 주제를 중심으로 더욱 더 풍부한 이야기를 다룰 예정이다. 할리우드 배우 제니퍼 코넬리가 tv시리즈 설국열차에 합류한다고 커밍순넷이 7일현지시간 전했다. 넷플릭스 드라마 설국열차 악역 여배우 제니퍼 코넬리 소개 영상 영화리뷰 제니퍼코넬리 넷플릭스설국열차 설국열차리뷰. 2002년 제74회 미국 아카데미 시상식 여우조연상 2002년 제59회 골든 글로브 시상식 여우조연상.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.