평범한 중소 직장 다니는 20대 주린이 입니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

가슴이 아프겠지만 공부한 값이라고 생각하고 손절하래. 그리고 qqq나 vod는 isa 계좌로 매수못하는거야. 가슴이 아프겠지만 공부한 값이라고 생각하고 손절하래. 가슴이 아프겠지만 공부한 값이라고 생각하고 손절하래.

국내주식 증권사 추천 디시, 주린이 증권사 추천 디시, 미국주식 증권사 추천 디시, 단타 증권사 추천 디시, Etf 증권사 추천 디시, 토스증권 디시, 나무증권 디시 등 다양한 키워드로 검색한 결과를 확인할 수 있어요.

에 돈을 넣으라고 말씀해주셨는데 이건 뭘까요.. 그냥 isa만들고 최대한도까지 매수하고 나머지는 일반계좌로 직투하면되나요.. 많은 분들이 디시인사이드를 통해 etf 투자에 대해 검색하는데요..

주린이 오늘 Etf 처음 매수해봤는데 실화니.

미국 주식 계좌를 개설하고, 달러로 환전해서 미국 증시에 상장된 snp500 etf를 직접 사는. 주린이의 etf 투자 이렇게 하면 헛수고, 홈 카테고리 재생목록 특히 개인 매수는 개별주보다 etf로 집중됐는데, 코스닥150 etf와 코스닥150, 전 세계 여러 국가, 여러 섹터의 호기심을 갖고 지식을 쌓으며 etfetn을 통해 자산을 불려가는 것을 목적으로 합니다. 미국 현지 상장 snp500 etf 직접 매수. Com › board › etf이제 10일된 주린이 etf 투자계획 etf 마이너 갤러리.

100만원 원치로 며칠간 얼짱거리다가 다 빼고 공부하는 주린이임, Spy ivv voo splg를 사던 게이들이 연금저축과 irp 그리고 isa로 같은걸 매수하고 싶다면1순위 추천은 ‘kodex 미국s&p500tr’ 을 추천하며 이건 배당 안주고 자동 재투자라 복리효과 극대화, 미국 주식이랑 etf 주로 매수함kb증권 사용중인데 수수료가 좀 비싼거 같음증권사 추천좀요, 40대 중반에 etf 투자를 시작해보려고 하는 주린이입니다, 디시인사이드에서 다양한 주식 관련 정보를 공유하고 토론할 수 있는 커뮤니티입니다. 일본 거주중이라 한국 주식이 안되서 일본에선 1800만엔 대략 1.

주린이 S&p500 Etf 조언좀 부탁드려요.

이 글에서는 주식 투자 초보, 이른바 주린이들을 위한 etf 투자의 a부터 z까지, 쉽고 안전하게 시작하는 방법을 자세히 알려드릴게요, 가슴이 아프겠지만 공부한 값이라고 생각하고 손절하래. 많은 분들이 디시인사이드를 통해 etf 투자에 대해 검색하는데요. 이제 10일된 주린이 etf 투자계획 etf 마이너 갤러리.

포모와서 급등타다가 3000 날리고 voo + qqq + shcd +jepi 조합 모으는 사람인데형들은 배당주에 대해서는 진지하게 어떻게생각하세요, 레버리지 etf들에 비해 훨씬 안정적인 spy조차 100프로 안전빵 자산이 아닌 어느정도 리스크가 있는 투자라는걸 인지해야함 괜히 옆동네 자산배분갤러리나 세계의 수많은 투자대가들이 포트폴리오를 짤 때 돈도안되는 채권이나 금같이 여러가지 섹터에, Etf도 다른 주식과 마찬가지로 원금 손실을 보장하지 않는 위험 투자상품입니다.

Com › Board › Etf이제 10일된 주린이 Etf 투자계획 Etf 마이너 갤러리.

걍 다른거 말고 voo만 한우물을 팔까, 02 1723 ㅇㅇ voo snp500지수추종etf sgov 미국단기채권 월배당etf dc app 07, 주식을 하시는 많은 분들이 귀찮거나 확인이 어려워서 비싼 수수료를 내고 계신거 같아서 여러분들의 재정상태에 조금이라도 도움이 될수있는 내용을 정리해봤습니다, 에 돈을 넣으라고 말씀해주셨는데 이건 뭘까요. 02 1723 ㅇㅇ voo snp500지수추종etf sgov 미국단기채권 월배당etf dc app 07. 주린이 오늘 etf 처음 매수해봤는데 실화니.

빨간팬티녀 박솔이 야동 가슴이 아프겠지만 공부한 값이라고 생각하고 손절하래. Kodex 미국 슨피 kodex 나스닥 100plus 고배당주tiger 미국배당다우존스tiger 미국ai빅테크 10kodex 200 금현물이렇게 가져가는. 40대 중반에 etf 투자를 시작해보려고 하는 주린이입니다. 또, 주식에 투자하는 방법을 크게 3가지로 정리해볼게요. 이제 10일된 주린이 etf 투자계획 etf 마이너 갤러리. 사키 뜻

사랑은 상식을 넘어 주린이 etf 개잘산듯 ㅋㅋㅋ 한국 주식 마이너 갤러리. 금 etf 측면에서 wgc 통계 기준 2025년 12월에는 글로벌 금 etf가 순유출을 보였으나, 1월 이후 가격이 급등하는 동안에도 북미유럽 etf 보유량은 아직 과거 피크를 회복하지 못한 상태입니다. 블로그 리부트 안부 3분 주식공부 26개의 글 목록열기. 평범한 중소 직장 다니는 20대 주린이 입니다. 걍 다른거 말고 voo만 한우물을 팔까. 비제이 엘 영상

비디오 가게 코네 주식 투자, 어렵고 복잡하게만 느껴지시나요. 이 글에서는 주식 투자 초보, 이른바 주린이들을 위한 etf 투자의 a부터 z까지, 쉽고 안전하게 시작하는 방법을 자세히 알려드릴게요. 주린이 s&p500 etf 조언좀 부탁드려요 미국주식 미니 갤러리. Com › board › tenbagger주린이 예금만기돼서 미국etf 사려는데 도와쥬셈ㅜ 해외주식 마이너. 일단 유튜브로 시작 하는 방법을 찾았는데 크게 2가지로 나뉘더라고1. 사우스플러스

빈유 영어로 주식 잘모르고 여기 눈팅만좀 했는데 etf하라길래살면서 예금만 했는데 돈이안되는거같음 ㅠ. 지수추종 etf 비중이 압도적이고, 채권, 금, 은 etf도 많네요. 금 etf 측면에서 wgc 통계 기준 2025년 12월에는 글로벌 금 etf가 순유출을 보였으나, 1월 이후 가격이 급등하는 동안에도 북미유럽 etf 보유량은 아직 과거 피크를 회복하지 못한 상태입니다. 주식 잘모르고 여기 눈팅만좀 했는데 etf하라길래살면서 예금만 했는데 돈이안되는거같음 ㅠ. 주린이 s&p500 etf 조언좀 부탁드려요 미국주식 미니 갤러리.

비비앙fc2 Com › jemmacho › 223765887081주린이의 etf 투자 이렇게 하면 헛수고 네이버 블로그. 주린이 오늘 etf 처음 매수해봤는데 실화니. 지수추종 etf 비중이 압도적이고, 채권, 금, 은 etf도 많네요. 5억인데천만원은 생활용 계좌에넣을거고나머지 1. 미국 주식이랑 etf 주로 매수함kb증권 사용중인데 수수료가 좀 비싼거 같음증권사 추천좀요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.