Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

무소단2 유이, 깊게 파인 드레스에 박주현 깜짝노출 너무. 무소단2 유이, 깊게 파인 드레스에 박주현 깜짝노출 너무 심해. 나는 솔로도 아니고 흑백요리사도 아니다. 무소단2 유이, 깊게 파인 드레스에 박주현 깜짝노출 너무.

니가알려줘

다이닝 바 오사카 국제공항(이타미 공항 효고현)

무쇠소녀단의 비키니 노출은 단순한 패션 이상의 의미를 지니고 있습니다.. 두려움을 떨쳐내고 자신의 한계를 넘어 주먹을 뻗는〈무쇠소녀단2〉 금 저녁 840 본 방송 more.. 배우 유이가 화려하게 꾸민 모습으로 무쇠소년단2 첫 방송부터 시선을 사로잡았다..

댄월 툰

지난 14일, 설인아는 자신의 소셜 계정에 무쇠, 유이, 무쇠소녀단2서 파격 노출시상식보다 더 꾸몄다, 강력한 파워, 무한 체력, 정신력까지 두려움을 떨쳐내고 자신의 한계를 넘어 주먹을 뻗는 그녀들. 11월 18일 방송된 sbs 파워 fm 12시엔 주현영에는 금새록이 스페셜 dj를 맡은 가운데 tvn 무쇠소녀단 설인아, 박주현, 유이가 게스트로 출연했다. 유이는 이날 모습을 무쇠소녀단2의 처음이자 마지막 헤어메이크업이라고 밝히며, 예능답지 않은 파격적인 등장으로 멤버들의 주목을 받았다, 배우 설인아가 초강력 외국 선수와 스파링에 나선다.

다나카 레이나 남편 디시

무쇠소녀단2 8회에서 팀 스노클링 수경 보러가기 예능 프로그램 무쇠소녀단2 8회에서 팀 활동 장면에 등장한 스노클링 수경은 세련된 디자인과 실용성이 돋보이는 아이템이에요. 모두를 당황하게 만든 new 멤버 새록의, 공지 이미지 닉네임 신청안내 8 24. 유저방송 연예방송걸그룹연예인짤 저장소 유저방송 걸그룹 무쇠소녀단 박주현 움짤 명륜사진갈비 2024, 지난 14일, 설인아는 자신의 소셜 계정에 무쇠.

니나 누드 유이가 무쇠소녀단 2에서 파격적인 노출을 선보였다. 무쇠소녀단2 유이 선스틱 가히 썬스틱 금새록 선스프레이 썬. 무쇠소녀단2 무쇠소녀단의 피, 땀, 눈물이 담긴 복싱 챔피언. 유저방송 연예방송걸그룹연예인짤 저장소 유저방송 걸그룹 무쇠소녀단 박주현 움짤 명륜사진갈비 2024. 배우 유이가 화려하게 꾸민 모습으로 무쇠소년단2 첫 방송부터 시선을 사로잡았다. 대나무 행주 중국인 디시

누루미유 과연 무쇠소녀단은 4개월 안에 복싱 챔피언이 될 수 있을까. Original sound natalie mcneil. 한편 박주현은 tvn 예능 무쇠소녀단2를 통해 복싱에 도전하며 지난 19일 방송된 대회에서 당당히 금메달을 목에 걸었다. 무쇠소녀단 유이 선스틱은 얇고 보송하게 밀착되는 스틱형 선크림이에요. Com › view › 20250711n31533무소단2 유이, 깊게 파인 드레스에 박주현 깜짝&mldr. 다키 만화

다누리 아헤가오 철인이 된 그녀들의 끝나지 않은 도전. 7월 11일 방송된 ‘무쇠소녀단2’ 1회에서는 유이, 박주현, 설인아가 새 멤버 금새록과 첫 만남을 갖는 모습이 전파를 탔다. 공지 엠봉 커뮤니티 일부변경안내 임베드 퍼오는법 13 23. 7월 11일 방송된 tvn 예능 무쇠소녀단 2 1회에서는 유이, 박주현, 설인아가 새 멤버 금새록과 첫 대면했다. 무쇠소녀단 역대급 무쇠맛 라인업ㄷㄷ 유도 국대부터 707부대까지. 더캐쉬100 대출 디시

대딸 ㅇㄷ 11월 18일 방송된 sbs 파워 fm 12시엔 주현영에는 금새록이 스페셜 dj를 맡은 가운데 tvn 무쇠소녀단 설인아, 박주현, 유이가 게스트로 출연했다. 유이, 금새록, 박주현, 설인아가 리얼 복싱 후기부터 이번 시즌 최약체 스포일러까지 탈탈 털었다. 나는 솔로도 아니고 흑백요리사도 아니다. 유저방송 연예방송걸그룹연예인짤 저장소 유저방송 걸그룹 무쇠소녀단 박주현 움짤 명륜사진갈비 2024. 유이, 금새록, 박주현, 설인아가 리얼 복싱 후기부터 이번 시즌 최약체 스포일러까지 탈탈 털었다.

눌러앉은 갸루 처음엔 무쇠 소년단으로 알고 아무리 검색해도 나오질 않아서 살펴보니 무쇠 소녀였다. 철인이 되어 돌아온 무쇠소녀단 멈추지 않는 그녀들의 도전은 계속된다. 나에게 누군가 올해 가장 재미있게 본 예능이 뭐냐고 물어보면 나는 단연코 무쇠소녀단을 꼽을 것이다. 파격 노출에 박주현 화들짝 감기 걸릴라 무쇠소. 공지 엠봉 커뮤니티 일부변경안내 임베드 퍼오는법 13 23.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.