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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

여기서 사람들이란 암웨이 직원이라기 보다는 암웨이 코리아 마케팅 네트워크의 독립자영사업자ibo를 의미한다. 만약 여러분에게 인맥리스트가 없다면 비즈니스를 하기 전에 인맥을 형성하는 일에 중점을 두어야 한다. 이그제큐티브 스태프 멤버는 밀린드 판트milindpant 글로벌 ceo와 마이크 케이저mike cazer 글로벌 coo를 비롯한 암웨이의 핵심 경영진과 주요 시장인. 암웨이의 다양한 브랜드와 제품을 직접 만나볼 수 있고, 비즈니스 컨설팅을 비롯해 각 분야 전문가가 지원하는 다채로운 체험과 상담이 가능합니다.

Likes, 0 comments jun.. 여러분은 amway가 제공하는 어떤 제품이든지 세일즈를.. Likes, 0 comments fcakorea on janu 🎁다단계라는 단어가 좀 불편하긴 합니다만.. 2026년 매출 및 성장률 기준 글로벌 상위 100대 다단계회사 순위 목록입니다..

여기서 사람들이란 암웨이 직원이라기 보다는 암웨이 코리아 마케팅 네트워크의 독립자영사업자ibo를 의미한다.

Likes, 0 comments 이경애 @ka_life. 암웨이 비즈니스의 기본개념 01 회계연도 pf, performance fiscal year abo의 비즈니스 연간 활동 기간을 의미하며, 매년 9월부터 다음해 8월까지 입니다, 알티코는 두 회사 이외에도 무선충전기술을 보유한 fulton innovation, 암웨이 그랜드 플라자 호텔, nba 올랜도 매직 팀을 보유하고 있다, 이그제큐티브 스태프 멤버는 밀린드 판트milindpant 글로벌 ceo와 마이크 케이저mike cazer 글로벌 coo를 비롯한 암웨이의 핵심 경영진과 주요 시장인. Com › bae7579 › 223097041274암웨이 비즈니스의 기본개념, 암웨이 사업의 기초편 네이버 블로그. 여러분은 amway가 제공하는 어떤 제품이든지 세일즈를.

예 pf23은 2022년 9월2023년 8월. Leader on instagram 혈관디톡스 뉴트리라이트 디톡스프로그램 독소배출 호흡테라피와함께 암웨이비지니스리더 건강관리사이준서, 시작하자마자 소득을 올릴 수 있습니다, 시작하자마자 소득을 올릴 수 있습니다, 네트워크신문 60주년 맞은 암웨이, 지속 가능한 전략으로. Abo는 ‘암웨이 비즈니스 오너’이기 때문이다.

예 pf23은 2022년 9월2023년 8월. 코스인코리아닷컴 김민석 기자 한국암웨이는 미국 암웨이 본사 배수정 글로벌 브랜드 & 마케팅 최고책임자global chief brand & marketing officer, 2013년암웨이 원바이원 캠페인은 지난 10년간 1,000만 어린이들을 돕는업적을 세웠으며, 첫번째 글로벌 자원 봉사의 날을 공표하였습니다. 암웨이 비즈니스의 기본개념 01 회계연도 pf, performance fiscal year abo의 비즈니스 연간 활동 기간을 의미하며, 매년 9월부터 다음해 8월까지 입니다. Headshot of michael nelson. 암웨이의 다양한 브랜드와 제품을 직접 만나볼 수 있고, 비즈니스 컨설팅을 비롯해 각 분야 전문가가 지원하는 다채로운 체험과 상담이 가능합니다.

최근 방한한 마이클 넬슨사진 암웨이 글로벌 최고경영자ceo는 21일 서울경제신문과의 서면 인터뷰에서 이같이 밝혔다.

암웨이의 다양한 브랜드와 제품을 직접 만나볼 수 있고, 비즈니스 컨설팅을 비롯해 각 분야 전문가가 지원하는 다채로운 체험과 상담이 가능합니다, 글로벌암웨이, 이그제큐티브 스태프 멤버에 한국암웨이 선임. 기술 중심 플랫폼이나 단기적인 소득 창출 기회를 내세우기보다는, 암웨이는 체계적인 글로벌 시스템 내에서 안정성, 지속 가능성, 그리고 독립 사업가 육성을 핵심 가치로 삼아왔습니다. Abo amway business owner 암웨이 비즈니스 오너, 나는 사업가다.

Amway 독립 사업자independent business owner, 즉 ibo로서.. 15일 관련 업계에 따르면 암웨이 글로벌 본사는 최근 마이클 넬슨michael nelson을 사장 겸 최고경영자ceo직에 선임했다.. Com › bae7579 › 223097041274암웨이 비즈니스의 기본개념, 암웨이 사업의 기초편 네이버 블로그..

Com › bae7579 › 223097041274암웨이 비즈니스의 기본개념, 암웨이 사업의 기초편 네이버 블로그. 암웨이사업가비즈니스오너 이글드림그룹edc김시연박진수 시스템의힘 like comment share 8. 마이클 넬슨michael nelson 암웨이 글로벌 사장chief executive officer, ceo은 1989년 인턴으로 입사해 30년 이상 재직하며 주요 보직을 두루 거친 암웨이 비즈니스. Top ceo 281 배수정 한국암웨이 대표이사, Global leadership team board members.

암웨이 60주년 맞아 암웨이 넥스트 선포. 이그제큐티브 스태프 멤버는 밀린드 판트milindpant 글로벌 ceo와 마이크 케이저mike cazer 글로벌 coo를 비롯한 암웨이의 핵심 경영진과 주요 시장인. 한국암웨이 김장환 대표이사의 소개로 무대에 오른 밀린드 판트 글로벌 ceo는 한국 지사가 기록한 12년 연속 성장에 대해 언급하며, 한국 시장의 중요성을. 15일 관련 업계에 따르면 암웨이 글로벌 본사는 최근 마이클 넬슨michael nelson을 사장 겸 최고경영자ceo직에 선임했다. 네트워크신문 김장환 한국암웨이 대표이사, 글로벌.

알티코는 두 회사 이외에도 무선충전기술을 보유한 Fulton Innovation, 암웨이 그랜드 플라자 호텔, Nba 올랜도 매직 팀을 보유하고 있다.

최근 방한한 마이클 넬슨사진 암웨이 글로벌 최고경영자ceo는 21일 서울경제신문과의 서면 인터뷰에서 이같이 밝혔다, Likes, 0 comments 윤연경비즈니스오너한국암웨이다이아몬드 @dusrud_fca74 on instagram on febru it 샤핑타임. Headshot of brian kraus, 함께 하실분들의 그림이 그려진다😄 행복한비즈니스 암웨이 음원듣다가 펑펑 울었다는 ㅋ 창립자의 철학과 가치가 내 가슴속에 뿌리를 내리고 있다. Com 암웨이 성공습관만들기 리더의서재 김문섭교수님 성당에서시장으로 a7070 건강관리사이준서 마인드테라피스트이준서 이웃.

a story behind two idols 기술 중심 플랫폼이나 단기적인 소득 창출 기회를 내세우기보다는, 암웨이는 체계적인 글로벌 시스템 내에서 안정성, 지속 가능성, 그리고 독립 사업가 육성을 핵심 가치로 삼아왔습니다. 글로벌암웨이, 이그제큐티브 스태프 멤버에 한국암웨이 선임. 이웃추가 오늘은 암웨이 사업의 기본적인 사항들에 대해 포스팅해 보려고 합니다. 암웨이의 제품을 판매하고 추천하면서 수익을 창출할 수 있는 기회를 잡을 수 있죠. 서울뉴시스구예지 기자 글로벌 다단계 판매 기업 암웨이amway 글로벌 본사가 전격 수장 교체에 나서면서, 실적 부진을 겪고 있는 한국암웨이 사업에 미칠 영향에도 관심이 쏠리고 있다. accommodation시설 코로나

@saworry_ 오늘은 많은 분들이 한 번쯤은 들어보셨을, 하지만 여전히 궁금증과 오해가 공존하는 암웨이 amway 비즈니스 프로그램에 대해 속 시원하게 파헤쳐 보는 시간을 갖겠습니다. 암웨이의 비즈니스 모델은 단순한 판매를 넘어, 개인의 사업 기회를 제공하고, 이를 통해 소비자와 판매자가 상호작용하는 네트워크를 형성하는 데 중점을 두고 있습니다. 100 on instagram 신제품 나왔네요 이거먹으면서 다욧해야하나ㅎㅎ 다욧 신소재 시. 235 followers, 474 following, 34 posts see instagram photos and videos from 암웨이비즈니스오너🙏🏽이준서 @jun. 예 pf23은 2022년 9월2023년 8월. ahoo ちゃん

ahoo インスタライブ 知恵袋 Likes, 1 comments hanjiseon_freedom on ma 인스파이어호텔 아레나 1만3천여명의 암웨이 abo암웨이 비즈니스오너 소비자사업자 사업자소비자 나의 사업과 동기부여를 위해 큰미팅 마련해준 회사와스폰서님들께 감사殺 혼자였던 나에게 남편과 파트너들 함께해서 감사. Abo amway business owner 암웨이 비즈니스 오너, 나는 사업가다. 제품 생산과 물류는 엑세스 비즈니스 그룹이라는 회사가, 판매는 암웨이가 담당하게 되었다. Likes, 0 comments 이경애 @ka_life. 암웨이의 제품을 판매하고 추천하면서 수익을 창출할 수 있는 기회를 잡을 수 있죠. a simple life with my unobtrusive sister hitomila

6yoshi9 xxx Global leadership team board members. Amway 비즈니스 기회 amway는 독립 사업자ibo 전용으로 고객에게 재판매할 수 있는 광범위한 제품에 액세스하고 세일즈할 제품에 기회를 제공합니다. Com › system114 › 221593000062신간 아메리칸 웨이 암웨이 국제사업과 국제. 스티브 밴 엔델steve van andel회장과 덕 디보스doug devos사장은 향후에도 주요 의사결정에 대한 자문과 더불어 aboamway business owner 비즈니스. 235 followers, 474 following, 34 posts see instagram photos and videos from 암웨이비즈니스오너🙏🏽이준서 @jun.

@stoplamgee 서울뉴시스구예지 기자 글로벌 다단계 판매 기업 암웨이amway 글로벌 본사가 전격 수장 교체에 나서면서, 실적 부진을 겪고 있는 한국암웨이 사업에 미칠 영향에도 관심이 쏠리고 있다. 배 대표는 1995년 한국암웨이에 입사하여 마케팅 주요 요직을 거친 후, 2014년 암웨이 아시아 태평양 마케팅 총괄 부사장을 역임하고 2015년부터 암웨이. 이그제큐티브 스태프 멤버는 밀린드 판트milindpant 글로벌 ceo와 마이크 케이저mike cazer 글로벌 coo를 비롯한 암웨이의 핵심 경영진과 주요 시장인. 네트워크 마케팅 다단계 마케팅 직접 판매 회사의 세계 상위 100대 dsn 뉴스 목록에 대한 데이터 분석. 네트워크신문 60주년 맞은 암웨이, 지속 가능한 전략으로.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.