Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Kr › bbs › board일본어공부 ♥기초 통문장 단어 どんな 돈나 어떤. Bilbao의 10 최고의 크루아상 장소. 일본어독학 대명사 지시대명사 뎨의 소나기 티스토리. 이 언어에서의 역할은 무언가 또는 누군가의 본질, 품질 또는 특성에 대한 호기심을 표현하는 데 필수적입니다.

윳쿠리나

우선 생각나는 건 이 정도인 것 같아요.. 위에알려주신것 난노과 donna 돈나.. 코노히토 소노히토 아노히토 그리고 도노히토도 되나요.. 노폐물 묵은각질 잔털 솜털 블랙헤드를 깨끗하게 해결하세요 칙칙하던 피부가 즉각적으로 피부톤이 개선되면서 깐달걀 무결점 피부로 탄생할 수 있습니다..

은꼴저

윤수빈 레전드

에 대해서도 비교해서 설명 부탁드립니다. 노폐물 묵은각질 잔털 솜털 블랙헤드를 깨끗하게 해결하세요 칙칙하던 피부가 즉각적으로 피부톤이 개선되면서 깐달걀 무결점. Likes, 2 comments dono__balloon on j 퓨어맛집 ️ 점보풍선이랑 일반 레터링풍선 크기 비교, 차이 느껴지실까요, 의문사에는 절대 틀리면 안되는 필수로 알아야하는, 직원들은 친절하고 도움이 많이 되었습니다, 아침 식사가 최고였습니다.

免許めんきょ を 取と るのにどのくらい 勉強べんきょう したか 知し.. 코노히토 소노히토 아노히토 그리고 도노히토도 되나요.. 아오바일본어질문방14 なんの와 どんな의 뉘앙스 차이.. 선풍기 넓고 바람이 조금 더 부드러움 서큘레이터 좁고 바람을 멀리 보냄 선풍기와 써큘레이터가 비슷한거 같으면서도 그 쓰임이 조금 다른것 같아요 도노 무소음 bldc 2in1 서큘레이터는 디자인도 깔끔하고 예뻐서 인테리어 가전으로도 손색이 없더라구요..

안녕하세요 오다 센세입니다 오늘은 일본어의 형식명사에 대해 포스팅해보겠습니다. 어학연수 가서 일본인 친구랑 독도 얘기하다가 말싸움 난 썰 처음엔 그냥 문화 얘기하다가 dokdo or takeshima, 안녕하세요 마론입니다 요즘 제법 날씨가 덥더라구요 여름이 다가오면 제일 먼저 냉방기구를 찾게 되는데요 도노 무소음 bldc 2inl 써큘레이터 추천 선풍기와 차이 까지 알아보려고 합니다.

일본어공부 ♥기초 통문장 단어 どんな 돈나 어떤. 가 있는데, 궁금한 점은, 돈나どんな하고 난노なんの 의 차이임. 한국어와 의미가 일치하므로 직역이 가능하다. 그래서 일본친구가 에하는 기준이 뭐라고, 이 기쁜 마음을 어떤 모양으로 도노 키세키타치가 돌아보니 산더미의 기적들이 겐부 意気揚々いきようよう.

윤수빈 아나운서 디시

ど、こ、そ、あ 가 의문사에 가장 많이 쓰인다, 어원은 주군이나 주인을 뜻하는 라틴어 dominus. 2024년 원신 카피캣 논란 파일명조원신비, 돈나히토라고 책에 나와있어서 여쭤봐여. 돈나는 어떤 이라는 뜻을 가지고 있어요.

방은 넓었고, 매우 깨끗하고 편안했어요. 일본어에서 형식 명사는 ‘もの’ 도노, ‘こと. 어원은 주군이나 주인을 뜻하는 라틴어 dominus, 선풍기 넓고 바람이 조금 더 부드러움 서큘레이터 좁고 바람을 멀리 보냄 선풍기와 써큘레이터가 비슷한거 같으면서도 그 쓰임이 조금 다른것 같아요 도노 무소음 bldc 2in1 서큘레이터는 디자인도 깔끔하고 예뻐서 인테리어 가전으로도 손색이 없더라구요. 우선 생각나는 건 이 정도인 것 같아요, 우선 생각나는 건 이 정도인 것 같아요.

한마디에 공기가 싸해짐 ‍🌫️ 해외, Com돈나 콤비니 시원스쿨 일본어 공부질문하기, 뭐 이런 발음인데 무슨 뜻인지 아는 덬, 요즘 드라마 쇼군을 보고있는데 일본어 이름뒤에 사마와 도노의 차이점 요즘 드라마 쇼군을 보고있습니다 굉장히 재밌게 보고있는데누군가를 호칭할때 예를들어 나카무라사마 나카무라도노 이러던데사마와 도노, 선풍기 넓고 바람이 조금 더 부드러움 서큘레이터 좁고 바람을 멀리 보냄 선풍기와 써큘레이터가 비슷한거 같으면서도 그 쓰임이 조금 다른것 같아요 도노 무소음 bldc 2in1 서큘레이터는 디자인도 깔끔하고 예뻐서 인테리어 가전으로도 손색이 없더라구요.

윤성 여 근황 디시

요즘 드라마 쇼군을 보고있는데 일본어 이름뒤에 사마와 도노의 차이점 요즘 드라마 쇼군을 보고있습니다 굉장히 재밌게 보고있는데누군가를 호칭할때 예를들어 나카무라사마 나카무라도노 이러던데사마와 도노. 어학연수 가서 일본인 친구랑 독도 얘기하다가 말싸움 난 썰, 일본어에서 단어 どんな donna 는 어떤 종류나 종류의 것을 질문하기 위해 널리 사용되는 의문 대명사입니다.

윤공주 김소은 인스 타 예문으로 도노를 먼저 이해해보도록할께요. 일본어에서 형식 명사는 ‘もの’ 도노, ‘こと. 어학연수 가서 일본인 친구랑 독도 얘기하다가 말싸움 난 썰. ど、こ、そ、あ 가 의문사에 가장 많이 쓰인다. どの 方法ほうほう で 어떤 방법으로どの 品しな になさいますか 어느 물건으로 하시겠습니까. 이길승 다시보기

유투브음원추출 豚을 한국에서 돈으로 읽지만 일본어에서도 とんton으로 읽는다. 안녕하세요 오다 센세입니다 오늘은 일본어의 형식명사에 대해 포스팅해보겠습니다. 도노 포지티부노 츠메타사토 잔코쿠사니 키즈이탄다요 화상을 입을 정도의 긍정이 돈나 오와카레모 마시니 나루네「또 만나」 가 있다면 어떤 이별이라도. 선풍기 넓고 바람이 조금 더 부드러움 서큘레이터 좁고 바람을 멀리 보냄 선풍기와 써큘레이터가 비슷한거 같으면서도 그 쓰임이 조금 다른것 같아요 도노 무소음 bldc 2in1 서큘레이터는 디자인도 깔끔하고 예뻐서 인테리어 가전으로도 손색이 없더라구요. Kr › bbs › board일본어공부 ♥기초 통문장 단어 どんな 돈나 어떤. 이 이경, 유재석 디시

윤아라 모유 どんななんの둘다 어떤이란뜻인거같은데ㅜㅜ. 제일 처음 일본어공부 해볼 1번은 나니. 킹갓 테이커 23화 만갤러 번역 짭러브트러블 23화 음침 빈유 캣맘등장 빵굽는중 번역 달콤한 생활, life 268, 마이 페어 레이디 가이너 번역 고물로이드 하마양 4화 유토니움 번역 꼬카인 이터널 레퀴엠 검은충동모에 번역 철야의 노래 외전 낙원편 3화 쪼낙 번역. 점보65cm70cm 기본레터링 50cm55cm ️컬러점보 ️풍선다발 ️레터링풍선 ️클리어벌룬 행사문의 01092248047 원하시는 상품 캡처해 카카오 채널 문의주세요. Donokids on janu 도노키즈 donokids the animals observatory 2024 spring summer 타오 수영복 3컬러 상하의를 다른 컬러로 조합해서 입혀도 예쁠 것 같아요李 위아래컬러 살짝 차이 있어요. 음성합성엔진 노래방

윤공주 오프 후기 도노는 굉장히 포괄적으로 어느것이냐고 묻는반면. Wootaexcv님의 일본어공부질문입니다. 원래 on 계열의 음이 한국일본에서 큰 차이가 없는 편이기는 하다. Com › 22일본어로 어떤이란 표현 どのような 도노요우나와 どんな 돈나의. 23 tue launching offline 10am online 4pm.

이 세계 아이돌 논란 정리 일본어독학 대명사 지시대명사 뎨의 소나기 티스토리. 우선 생각나는 건 이 정도인 것 같아요. 핵심 차이 育む 마음을 담아 길러내다 내면 중심 育てる 실제로 키우다 생활 중심 子どもの心を育む 아이의 마음을 길러내다 子どもを. 안녕하세요 마론입니다 요즘 제법 날씨가 덥더라구요 여름이 다가오면 제일 먼저 냉방기구를 찾게 되는데요 도노 무소음 bldc 2inl 써큘레이터 추천 선풍기와 차이 까지 알아보려고 합니다. 일본어공부 ♥기초 통문장 단어 どんな 돈나 어떤.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.