마커스 래시포드가 202223시즌 매트 버스비 경 맨체스터 유나이티드 올해의 선수상 수상자로 선정되었다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

래시퍼드는 맨유가 유스 시절부터 1군까지 팀 간판으로 키운 선수다. Marcus rashfords performance statistics for fc barcelona and national team. 22m followers, 271 following, 1,044 posts mr14 @marcusrashford on instagram fc barcelona & england ⚽. Com에서 마커스 래시포드의 기록 출전수, 득점수, 카드수을 비롯하여, 30개 종목 5000개 이상 대회의 실시간스코어, 경기결과 및 통계를 확인하세요.

1 영어의 sh는 ‘쉬’가 아니라 ‘시’로, 어말의 ford는 ‘퍼드’로 표기하는 것이 표준이므로 ‘래시퍼드’가 표준 표기이지만, 한국어 화자들에게 이미 ‘래시포드’로 통용되고 있다.. 이름 마커스 래시퍼드 marcus rashford mbe 팀소속 맨체스터 유나이티드 fc 국적 잉글랜드 나이 1994년 12월 8일26세 출신지 맨체스터 신체 조건 185cm 75kg 포지션 윙어, 스트라이커 주발 오른발 등번호 맨체스터 유나이티드fc 10번 유소년 클럽fc 플레처 모스 레인저스 fc 20032005 맨체스터.. Epl 사무국은 전문가 패널 및 ea스포츠 웹사이트 투표를 합산한 결과 이달의 선수 2.. 게티이미지코리아 풋볼리스트 김진혁 기자 마커스 래시퍼드는 어쩌다 바르셀로나의 특급 도우미가 됐을까..

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마커스 래시퍼드 선수 맨유맨체스터유나이티드 일공. 팀내 입지 좁아진 맨유 성골, 하지만 그의 맨유 사랑은 진심이다, 마커스 래시퍼드 마커스 래시포드는 잉글랜드 국가대표팀 에서 공격수 로 활약하고 있다.

서울뉴스1 김도용 기자 바르셀로나가 맨체스터 유나이티드 이하 맨유에서 뛸 자리를 잃은 공격수 마커스 래시퍼드를 임대 영입했다. 맨유 유스팀을 거쳐 20152016시즌부터 10시즌째 맨유에서 뛰고 있다. A product of the manchester united youth system, rashford joined the club at the age of seven. 팀내 입지 좁아진 맨유 성골, 하지만 그의 맨유 사랑은 진심이다. 맨유 아카데미 졸업생 래시포드가 이 상을. 마커스 래시퍼드 선수 맨유맨체스터유나이티드 일공.

Net › player › epl다음스포츠 마커스 래시포드. 빠른 스피드를 이용한 돌파력과 득점력으로 기대를 모았고, 상징적인 등번호인, 골키퍼에 쐐기골 허용 레알, 벤피카에 충격패ucl 16강 직행. 마커스 래시퍼드 marcus rashford. 14 fc 바르셀로나 페이지로 이동 출생 1997, 전반을 01로 마쳤지만 후반 들어 로베르트 레반도프스키, 라민 야말, 하피냐, 마커스 래시퍼드가 연속골을 터뜨려 승부를 뒤집었다.

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Other data include goals per match, conceded goals, conceded per match, 잉글랜드 프로축구 맨체스터 유나이티드 맨유에서 사실상 전력 외로 분류된 공격수 마커스 래시퍼드 27잉글랜드가 결국 스페인 거함 fc. 플레이어 하이라이트 마커스 래시포드가 스페인에서 득점한 멋진 골들, 마커스 래시퍼드 marcus rashford, Com에서 마커스 래시포드의 기록 출전수, 득점수, 카드수을 비롯하여, 30개 종목 5000개 이상 대회의 실시간스코어, 경기결과 및 통계를 확인하세요. 애스턴 빌라와 임대 계약서에 서명하는 마커스 래시퍼드 애스턴 빌라 sns 캡처.

잉글랜드 래시퍼드를 보면서 과거의 내 모습이 떠오르기도 했다, 오늘 잉글랜드 축구대표팀은 2022 카타르, 래시퍼드는 맨유가 유스 시절부터 1군까지 팀 간판으로 키운 선수다.

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Net › player › epl다음스포츠 마커스 래시포드.. 마커스 래시포드가 202223 시즌 선수들이 뽑은 올해의 선수로 선정됐다.. 영국 맨체스터 태생이자 맨유 유스 출신으로 201516 시즌 1군 데뷔전에서 2골을 터트리며 혜성같이 등장했으며, 201819 시즌부터는 웨인 루니의 등번호인 10번을 물려받아 사용하고 있다..

Marcus rashford born 31 october 1997 is an english professional footballer who plays as a forward for la liga club barcelona, on loan from premier league club manchester united, and the england national team. 감독과 불화로 맨체스터 유나이티드 맨유에서 전력 외로 분류된 공격수 마커스 래시퍼드 27잉글랜드가 스페인 명문 fc바르셀로나로 임대됐다. Marcus rashford, 팀 barcelona, 나이 28, 국가 잉글랜드, 키 185cm, 주로 사용하는 발 오른발, 셔츠 14, 시장 가치 €5224만. 오늘 잉글랜드 축구대표팀은 2022 카타르, 마커스 래시포드는 일요일 저녁에 50번째 잉글랜드 대표팀 경기에 출전했다, 마커스 래시포드가 202223시즌 매트 버스비 경 맨체스터 유나이티드 올해의 선수상 수상자로 선정되었다.

게티이미지코리아 풋볼리스트 김진혁 기자 마커스 래시퍼드는 어쩌다 바르셀로나의 특급 도우미가 됐을까. 맨체스터 유나이티드와의 동행을 2028년 6월 30일까지 이어간다. 마커스 래시퍼드 마커스 래시포드는 잉글랜드 국가대표팀 에서 공격수 로 활약하고 있다. 잉글랜드 대표팀 공격수 마커스 래시퍼드25는 30일 카타르 알라얀 아흐마드 빈 알리 스타디움에서 열린 2022 카타르 월드컵 웨일스와 b조 3차전에서.

플레이어 하이라이트 마커스 래시포드가 스페인에서 득점한 멋진 골들. A product of the manchester united youth system, rashford joined the club at the age of seven. 마커스 래시퍼드1 mbe2 marcus rashford mbe. 잉글랜드 래시퍼드를 보면서 과거의 내 모습이 떠오르기도 했다.

twitter ranking video 게티이미지코리아 풋볼리스트 김진혁 기자 마커스 래시퍼드는 어쩌다 바르셀로나의 특급 도우미가 됐을까. Kr › view › akr20250724097900007맨유서 배제된 래시퍼드, 결국 바르사 임대&mldr. 마커스 래쉬포드, 바르셀로나와 맨체스터 유나이티드에 대해 r. 유럽축구 전문기자 니콜로 스키라는 17일한국시간 래시퍼드가 맨유와의 계약을 2027년까지 연장하는 것에 가까워졌다고 전했다. 마커스 래시포드는 일요일 저녁에 50번째 잉글랜드 대표팀 경기에 출전했다. us.av4 yandex

www.korea1818 출생 잉글랜드 그레이트 맨체스터주 맨체스터. 맨유 아카데미 졸업생 래시포드가 이 상을. 맨체스터 유나이티드 아카데미에서 자란 영웅 래시포드는 국가 대표 50. Marcus rashford born 31 october 1997 is an english professional footballer who plays as a forward for la liga club barcelona, on loan from premier league club manchester united, and the england national team. 골키퍼에 쐐기골 허용 레알, 벤피카에 충격패ucl 16강 직행. twvideo.net

twitterの動画を保存しまっせ！_twi-douga_ 래시퍼드는 맨유가 유스 시절부터 1군까지 팀 간판으로 키운 선수다. Marcus rashford 상세 통계 transfermarkt. 팀내 입지 좁아진 맨유 성골, 하지만 그의 맨유 사랑은 진심이다. 한눈에 보는 오늘 해외축구 뉴스 맨체스터 유나이티드 마커스 래시퍼드. 14 fc 바르셀로나 페이지로 이동 출생 1997. www.dfake.top

www.video.f2 맨유 아카데미 졸업생 래시포드가 이 상을. 풋볼리스트 윤효용 기자 맨체스터유나이티드와 결별이 확실해진 마커스 래시퍼드가 수많은 팀의 관심을 받으며 겨울 이적시장의 최대어가 됐다. 이름 마커스 래시퍼드 marcus rashford mbe. 맨유 팀 동료들이 뽑은 최고의 선수 래시포드는 올 시즌 30득점을 기록하며. 풋볼리스트 윤효용 기자 맨체스터유나이티드와 결별이 확실해진 마커스 래시퍼드가 수많은 팀의 관심을 받으며 겨울 이적시장의 최대어가 됐다.

twporn star.com 경력 통계 출전, 득점, 카드와 이적 히스토리. 마커스 래시포드가 새로운 계약을 체결했다. 현재 바르셀로나에 임대로 이적하였으며, 한때 프리미어리그 이달의 선수상을 쓸어갈 정도로 촉망받는 유망주였다. 10 마커스 래시퍼드 1 marcus rashford 출생 1997년 10월 31일 24세 잉글랜드 그레이터맨체스터 주 맨체스터 국적 영국 잉글랜드 ｜ 세인트키츠 네비스 2 신체. Player of the year 2 top goal scorer 2 europa league winner 1 english fa cup winner 2.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.