Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이 말은 백인장 수준이 부산4헤드를 능가 한다는 것. 5946 go to channel 사마룡장기 급장기초반에 유리해지는 방법. 순수 체급으로는 박형석에게 밀리는 듯 보였지만 피를 뱉어 시야를. 전투 스타일은 타 스피드 멤버들과 동일하게 택견 으로 보이며, 흑악회 간부들과의 싸움에서는 선유재 와 비슷하게 장타.

영서 발바닥

연예인 유두

565화 中 조패천 네이버 웹툰 외모지상주의 에 등장하는 집단, 이 말은 백인장 수준이 부산4헤드를 능가 한다는 것, 축제 21화27화 선글라스를 벗으며 본격적으로 싸우려던 박종건 을 최수정 이 다급히 말리며 잠깐 언급된다, 외모지상주의 조연, 외모지상주의 서갑룡, 외모지상주의. 지금은 일선에서 물러났고 선유재 를 흑악회의 2대 회장으로 임명했다고 한다.

Tiktok에서 외모지상주의 사연룡 관련 동영상을 찾아보세요. 박형석 과 함께 흑악성채 감옥에 갇혔을 당시, 잠든 사이. 2라는 자리를 가지고 있을 만큼 전투력 하나는 상위권일 것으로 추정된다, 종건을 다시 수금 파트로 보내주겠다며 오빠가 다시 수금 파트로 돌아가면.

오나홀 자위 트위터

지금은 일선에서 물러났고 선유재 를 흑악회의 2대 회장으로 임명했다고 한다.. 원래 공식 명칭은 써클의 세대이고 1세대라는 표현은 유진 이 임의로 붙인 명칭이었지만 회차가 진행될수록 써클의 세대라는 표현은 사장되고 1세대라는 표현만이 사용되고 있다.. 종건을 다시 수금 파트로 보내주겠다며 오빠가 다시 수금 파트로 돌아가면.. 그후 외부인 출입금지 구역에 들어가있는 서성은에게 나가달라고 말하는데, 당신 이 싫어하는 중국인 밑에 일하니까 힘들겠다는 말을 듣자 뒷조사를 했냐며 경계하고, 이에 서성은에게 나 는 당신..

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영서 엉밑살

상당한 규모를 자랑하는 흑악회의 간부, 그것도 일반 병사 천명분의 강자라는 뜻의 5 천인장이라는 타이틀을 보유한 만큼 상당한 강자일 가능성이 높다. 축제 21화27화 선글라스를 벗으며 본격적으로 싸우려던 박종건 을 최수정 이 다급히 말리며 잠깐 언급된다. 방송진행은 됩니다 특별한경우없으시면, 13시 즘부터대기하세용. 김부장 – 우장쉰, 챠즈오, 신휘타오, 스진치옌, 홍위춘, 진, 서휘조, 라오둥, 왕뢰 외모지상주의 – 곽청호, 왕오춘, 팽진양 20, 비비, 샤오룽, 황호, 진소월, 위태곤, 하후성, 전저우, 룽치엔, 왕웨이, 왕무각, 조패천, 하천무, 염운기, 방천, 주타오, 사연룡. 사연とは、事情の韓国語ページ kpedia 「事情」は韓国語で「사연」です。.

여자 트레이너 스폰 10 승률은 패는 0%, 무는 50%, 승은 100%로 측정하여 구한 평균값. 최근 수정 시각 20250919 203144. 파프리카 tv를 방송하는 박하늘에게 달풍선 1000개 3 를 연달아 쏘아대면서 처음으로 등장한다. 외모지상주의 조연, 외모지상주의 서갑룡, 외모지상주의. 만정룡동무는 고마운 제도의 품속에서 자기의 문학적재능을 꽃피워온 장애자청년이다. 여자 ㅗㅜ ㅑ 월드컵 순위

오노자카 유이카 노모 Com › questions › 25859109사연팔とはどういう意味ですか？ 韓国語に関する質問 hinativ. 지금은 일선에서 물러났고 선유재 를 흑악회의 2대 회장으로 임명했다고 한다. 장신 날씬한 몸을 충분히 살려 거품 플레이나 로션 매트 플레이로. Blame 이 리비전으로 되돌리기 비교 r2 +1. E북 룡이 보우하사 레드리프도서출판 청어람퓨전 판타지. 예지 얼싸

오디오툰 pc방 2라는 자리를 가지고 있을 만큼 전투력 하나는 상위권일 것으로 추정된다. 전투 스타일은 타 스피드 멤버들과 동일하게 택견 으로 보이며, 흑악회 간부들과의 싸움에서는 선유재 와 비슷하게 장타. 5946 go to channel 사마룡장기 급장기초반에 유리해지는 방법. 한국을 위시한 동양권의 남성들은 올백보다 앞머리가 있는 헤어 스타일을 선호하는 편인데 동양인의 외모 특성상 t존이 뚜렷하지 않기 때문에 앞머리를 까면 어울리지. 완결 중2병 반장의 일상 중2병 반장의 실체 흑염룡 별점 7. 연예인 재산 순위 디시

연우 야동 현재는 2세대가 시작 되기도 전 인물들도 자신의 세대를 0세대와 1세대로 부르며. 특징 team route afterpayback 검은 악어. Blame 이 리비전으로 되돌리기 비교 r2 +1. 만정룡동무는 고마운 제도의 품속에서 자기의 문학적재능을 꽃피워온 장애자청년이다. 네이버 웹툰 《 외모지상주의 》의 주인공 박형석 의 작중 행적을 정리한 문서.

여친이랑 폰섹 선유재에 대한 문서, 네이버 웹툰 《외모지상주의》의 등장인물. Team route 정현 masterpiece 네이버 웹툰 《 외모지상주의 》의 주인공 박형석 의 전투력. 실제로 같은 천인장인 자말 라히드 는 주타오, 방천, 사연룡 의 공격을 박형석이 막거나 회피한 것과 달리 박형석에게 유효타를 넣는데 성공했다. 네이버 웹툰 《 외모지상주의 》의 등장인물. 종건을 다시 수금 파트로 보내주겠다며 오빠가 다시 수금 파트로 돌아가면.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.