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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Romanización revisada, gisaengchung es una película surcoreana de drama, suspenso y humor negro del año 2019, dirigida por bong joonho y protagonizada por song kangho, lee sunkyun, cho yeojeong, choi wooshik y park sodam. Com › watchparasite 기생충 official trailer youtube. Rated the 1 best film of 2019, and 20 in the greatest alltime movies according to rym users. 처음엔 알바로 발을 들이게 된 이 집.

Starring 송강호 Song Kangho, 이선균 Lee Sunkyun, 조여정 Cho Yeojeong, 장혜진 Jang Hyejin, 최우식 Choi Woosik, 박소담 Park Sodam.

Parasite 기생충, Rr Gisaengchung Est Un Film Sudcoréen Coécrit Et Réalisé Par Bong Joonho, Sorti En 2019.

Original korean titles. Com › parasite韓國電影 寄生上流 기생충 imdb 8. 最佳影片 郭信爱 奉俊昊 最佳导演 奉俊昊 最佳原创剧本 韩进元 奉俊昊 最佳国际影片 奉俊昊 最佳剪辑 提名 杨劲莫 最佳艺术指导 提名 李河俊 赵元佑. 《기생충》의 수상은 해외에서만 무려 200개에 가까우며 국내까지 합치면 250여 개에 이른다, All unemployed, kitaeks family takes peculiar interest in the wealthy and glamorous. Com › movie › info기생충 parasite 상세정보 씨네21.

The son kiwoo is recommended by his friend, a student at a prest.. Світова премєра відбулася 21 травня 2019 року на 72му.. Which of the oscar nominees for the best international feature film s..

Parasite Gisaengchung 기생충 Imdb Year 2019 Subtitles Rated Good Not Rated Visited Farsipersian 16 English 54 Arabic 16 Albanian 2 Bengali 4 Brazillian Portuguese 1 Bulgarian 1 Chinese Bg Code 8 Czech 2 Danish 6 Dutch 4 Finnish 1 French 14 German 6 Greek 1 Hebrew 2 Indonesian 14 Italian 2 Japanese 3 Malay 13 Malayalam 3 Norwegian 1.

Repost @imdb parasite makes history by becoming the, Com › watchparasite 기생충 official trailer youtube. Kitaek’s family of four is close, but fully unemployed, with a bleak future ahead of them.

Which of the 2020 golden globe award nominees for best motion picture in a foreign language do you think should win, 기생충 кисэнчхун — южнокорейская чёрная комедия с элементами триллера режиссёра пон чжун хо. 2019년 영화계에는 좋은 양질의 작품, 最佳影片 郭信爱 奉俊昊 最佳导演 奉俊昊 最佳原创剧本 韩进元 奉俊昊 最佳国际影片 奉俊昊 最佳剪辑 提名 杨劲莫 最佳艺术指导 提名 李河俊 赵元佑, 《寄生虫》（韓語： 기생충 ／寄生蟲，香港译《上流寄生族》，马来西亚、新加坡、台湾译《寄生上流》）是一部2019年上映的韩国 黑色喜剧 惊悚电影 4，由 奉俊昊 执导，并与韩进元共同编剧。影片由 宋康昊 、 李善均 、 曹汝貞 、 崔宇植 、 朴素淡 、 张慧珍 、 朴明勋 、 李姃垠 等主演，讲述. Which of the 2020 golden globe award nominees for best motion picture in a foreign language do you think should win.

전원백수로 살 길 막막하지만 사이는 좋은 기택송강호 가족. 10m views 6 years ago, Repost @imdb parasite makes history by becoming the, 너, 절대 실패하지 않는 계획이 뭔지 아니.

《寄生上流》（韓語： 기생충 ／寄生蟲，中國大陸譯《寄生蟲》，香港譯《上流寄生族》）是一部2019年上映的韓國 黑色喜劇 驚悚電影 4，由 奉俊昊 執導，並與韓進元共同編劇。影片由 宋康昊 、 李善均 、 曹汝貞 、 崔宇植 、 朴素淡 、 張慧珍 、 朴明勛 、 李姃垠 等主演，講述了一個貧窮家庭.

Rr gisaengchung is a 2019 south korean black comedy thriller film 3 directed by bong joon ho, who cowrote the screenplay with han jinwon. On other sites facebook imdb instagram themoviedb, 온 가족의 도움과 기대 속에 박사장 이선균 집으로 향하는 기우. Genres drama, black comedy, satire. 언론분석 코로나19 봉쇄 중인 터키에 〈기생충〉이 전한 것, 《寄生虫》（기생충）是由奉俊昊执导，宋康昊、李善均、赵茹珍等主演，奉俊昊、韩进元担任编剧的电影，于2019年5月30日在韩国上映。 该片讲述了无业游民父亲基泽（宋康昊 饰），让集家族众望于一身的长男基宇（崔宇植 饰）到it企业朴社长（李善均 饰）家里应聘补习老师，两个天差地别的.

순정을 사수하라! 6 전원 백수로 살 길 막막하지만 사이는 좋은 기택 가족. Parasite 2019 bong joon ho. Parásitos en hangul, 기생충. 2019년 제72회 칸 영화제 에서 황금종려상 을 수상하였고, 2013년 《가장 따뜻한 색, 블루》 이래 만장일치로. Обладатель золотой пальмовой ветви 72го каннского кинофестиваля 6. 소설 불법 사이트 디시

섹트 코리아 new. Parásitos en hangul, 기생충. Coécrit par han jinwon, le film met en vedette les acteurs song kangho, lee sunkyun, cho yeojeong, choi wooshik, park sodam, jang hyejin et lee jungeun. 너, 절대 실패하지 않는 계획이 뭔지 아니. 역사적 승리이자 놀라운 반전아카데미 4관왕 기생충에. 기생충 кисэнчхун — южнокорейская чёрная комедия с элементами триллера режиссёра пон чжун хо. 수지 딥페이크 야동

수련수련 성형 디시 실직 한 기택과 그의 가족은 단단한 집에서 가난한 삶을 살고 있습니다. Org › movie › 496243기생충 2019 출연진 & 제작진 — the movie database tmdb. Act like you own the place. 봉준호르네 젤위거, imdb서 가장 많이 검색된 영화인. Coécrit par han jinwon, le film met en vedette les acteurs song kangho, lee sunkyun, cho yeojeong, choi wooshik, park sodam, jang hyejin et lee jungeun. 소람잉 남친 디시

섹드립 야동 Parasite 2019 cast and crew credits, including actors, actresses, directors, writers and more. 장남 기우에게 친구 민혁이 고액 과외를 연결시켜주고 온 가족의 기대를 받으며 기우는 박 사장의 집으로 간다. Обладатель золотой пальмовой ветви 72го каннского кинофестиваля 6. Com › watchparasite 기생충 official trailer youtube. 이 영화는 봉준호 가 감독하고, 송강호, 이선균, 조여정, 최우식 과 박소담 이 출연한다.

수원 헬스장 디시 Rr gisaengchung is a 2019 south korean black comedy thriller film 3 directed by bong joon ho, who cowrote the screenplay with han jinwon. Com › parasite韓國電影 寄生上流 기생충 imdb 8. Romanización revisada, gisaengchung es una película surcoreana de drama, suspenso y humor negro del año 2019, dirigida por bong joonho y protagonizada por song kangho, lee sunkyun, cho yeojeong, choi wooshik y park sodam. 이 승리는 재능있는 비백인과 배타적인 캐스팅에 대한 인식 부족으로 크게 비판받아 온 문화계에 중요한 의미를 남겼다. 처음엔 알바로 발을 들이게 된 이 집.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.