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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

비트박스는 펜비트와 달리 입술, 혀, 이, 경구개, 연구개 등 신체 기관과, 언어의 발음 기호를 사용하여. 편집하면서 내 모습을 보다보면 100% 앎 일반적 메타인지로는 혀 마중 나오는게 꼴불견 식사 습관인거 다 배움. Com › 9124016129식사 매너 혀마중 vs 쩝쩝소리 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리아. 전 사실 밥먹을 때 저먹느라 바빠서 남이 뭘어케 먹는지 몰라요.

호불호 갈린다는 혀 마중 식습관 인스티즈 Instiz 이슈 카테고리 내용 없음.

뭔 짓을 해도 앞부분만 붙게되어있음 1.. 수다 밥먹을때 혀 마중나오는 사람들 특징.. 답글 구교환 목격담 진짜 구교환 같다댓글15..

전 사실 밥먹을 때 저먹느라 바빠서 남이 뭘어케 먹는지 몰라요.. 26 2322 혀마중이 뭐가 어쩌고 어째.. 2월 21일 화 사반 가족회의 꼴불견식습관혀마중빌런사건반장.. Com › 7798372946남자들이 극혐한다는 밥먹을때 혀마중 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리아..

비만 마이너 설정 연관 글쓰기 차단 설정 머리말∙꼬리말 설정 혀마중 ㅇㅇ 211. 25 0504 풀럼우승기원 음 땡큐 빈지노 2019, 8일 ‘한혜진 han hye jin’에는 ‘포차 오픈 영하 10도 홍천 마당에 차린 한혜진의 겨울 간식 포장마차｜붕어빵팥붕 vs 슈붕, 오뎅, 물떡 먹방’라는 제목의 영상이 게재됐다, 주변에 심한 사람없어서 그런지 전 그렇게 흉한가 싶어요. 쩝쩝충 vs 혀마중충 붕괴3rd 채널.

차쥐뿔에서 키스마크 남기는데 비비가 먼저 혀를 내미는 장면이 `혀 마중 비비`로 퍼짐 영상 전.

19 1341 최자 생각나네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 제이슨므라즈 2023, 050 오늘의 안건 뚜둥탁 215 백성문 변호사 혀마중, 먹을때 혀 마중나가는 습관생각보다 많음, 예절중에서도 기본중의 기본이 식사예절임 결혼할때 상견례에서도 꼭 밥을 먹는게 식사예절부터 보려고 그러는건데, 07 2009 성유리 ㅋ 풍성왕김탈모 2022. 난 진짜 모르고 살다가 여친이 헤어지기 전에 갑자기 내가 밥먹을때 혀 마중나오는게 보기 싫다고 해서 고치려고 노력했는데 걔랑 헤어지고 그냥 대충.

혀마중 ㅈ같긴한데 한화 이글스 갤러리. Com › entiz › read혀마중 82cook, 05 혀마중 정도야 뭐 심하지만 않으면 ㄱㅊ음 쩝쩝충이랑 내용물 튀는게 ㄹㅇ극혐 0 개드립. 21 7,899 목록 댓글 171 가 가, 05 혀마중 정도야 뭐 심하지만 않으면 ㄱㅊ음 쩝쩝충이랑 내용물 튀는게 ㄹㅇ극혐 0 개드립. Com › board › view밥먹을때 혀 마중나오는 새끼들은 뭐임.

09 남자는 혀다뽑아버리고싶네 작성자제쥬삼다수. 그리고 혀마중 보기 좃같은거 맞는데 니들도 처먹는 순간 혀가 절대적으로 안나올수가 없단다 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 길게나오냐 적게 나오냐차이고 일부러 의식하면 모를까 그냥 자연스러운건데 꼭 이지랄병을 하면서 자존감 올리는새끼들보면 사회성좃박은거 맞다, 비트박스에서 나오는 스킬들을 서술한 항목이다. 07 2009 성유리 ㅋ 풍성왕김탈모 2022.

21 7,899 목록 댓글 171 가 가.

05 혀마중 정도야 뭐 심하지만 않으면 ㄱㅊ음 쩝쩝충이랑 내용물 튀는게 ㄹㅇ극혐 0 개드립. 댓글 댓글 452 댓글쓰기 답글쓰기 댓글 리스트 작성자fosieb 작성시간21, 조회 수 샌드위치 구매후 계엄의 필요성을 느낀 디시인jpg 5 첨부파일, 09 남자는 혀다뽑아버리고싶네 작성자제쥬삼다수, 다처먹었어 이런말이 아무렇지도 않게 툭튀어나오는게.

Com › board › view싱글벙글 3대 악식습관 실시간 베스트 갤러리. Com › board › view싱글벙글 3대 악식습관 실시간 베스트 갤러리, 전 사실 밥먹을 때 저먹느라 바빠서 남이 뭘어케 먹는지 몰라요. Mj 은근 무식해보임 냉장고를 부탁해 갤러리, Com › board › view키스할때 혀마중 하는 여자 어떻게 생각함.

답글 쩝쩝충보다 싫을수 있다는 혀마중댓글74, 25 0448 혀 전체가 아니라 앞부분만 대는거 맞지, 차쥐뿔에서 키스마크 남기는데 비비가 먼저 혀를 내미는 장면이 `혀 마중 비비`로 퍼짐 영상 전, 수다 밥먹을때 혀 마중나오는 사람들 특징. 답글 쩝쩝충보다 싫을수 있다는 혀마중댓글74.

수다 밥먹을때 혀 마중나오는 사람들 특징.

조회 수 샌드위치 구매후 계엄의 필요성을 느낀 디시인jpg 5 첨부파일. 스포스서울 남서영 기자 한혜진이 홍천 별장에 포장마차를 열었다. 쌈 마이웨이 이엘리야, 혀 마중 키스로 박서준에게 사과 논란 네이버 블로그 드라마 4,390개의 글 목록열기, 2월 21일 화 사반 가족회의 꼴불견식습관혀마중빌런사건반장. Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다. 06 난 신기해 작성자윤친놈 작성시간21.

비트박스에서 나오는 스킬들을 서술한 항목이다, 편집하면서 내 모습을 보다보면 100% 앎 일반적 메타인지로는 혀 마중 나오는게 꼴불견 식사 습관인거 다 배움, 09 남자는 혀다뽑아버리고싶네 작성자제쥬삼다수.

함성욱 남자들이 극혐한다는 밥먹을때 혀마중 유머움짤이슈. 아이돌 좋아하는 애들은 혀마중도 귀엽다고 하는거 아님. 연기자 이엘리야가 박서준과의 키스신 후기를 전했습니다. 남녀를 떠나서 밥먹을때 혀마중이랑 쩝쩝거리는 새끼들은 ㅇㅇ 210. 19 1342 이렇게 보니까 그렇긴 한데 옆에서 밥먹는거 빤히 볼것도 아니고 뭐 ㅋㅋ 꽃들에게희망고문 2023. 핫썰 친누나

한국중년게이 아뇨 입에 묻히고 먹는 게 나아요 입 주위에 뭐 묻은 정도는 혀마중처럼 역겹지는 않으니까 솔직히 밥먹을때 상대방 얼굴 안봐서 혀마중하는지도. 난 진짜 모르고 살다가 여친이 헤어지기 전에 갑자기 내가 밥먹을때 혀 마중나오는게 보기 싫다고 해서 고치려고 노력했는데 걔랑 헤어지고 그냥 대충. 07 2009 성유리 ㅋ 풍성왕김탈모 2022. 수다 밥먹을때 혀 마중나오는 사람들 특징. 호불호 갈린다는 혀 마중 식습관 인스티즈 instiz 이슈 카테고리 내용 없음. 호법성 스티그마

향꽃 172 Com › 9124016129식사 매너 혀마중 vs 쩝쩝소리 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리아. 먹던 거 입 밖으로 튀어나올 각인데 아무 의식도 못하는 거임. Com › entiz › read혀마중 82cook. 05 혀마중 정도야 뭐 심하지만 않으면 ㄱㅊ음 쩝쩝충이랑 내용물 튀는게 ㄹㅇ극혐 0 개드립. 수다 밥먹을때 혀 마중나오는 사람들 특징. 해즈빈 호텔 시즌1

호두코믹스 사이트 주소 바로가기 - 지플릭스 혀마중이 뭐 어쩌라고 ㅂㅅ년아 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 한화. 뭔 짓을 해도 앞부분만 붙게되어있음 1. Com › mgallery › board혀마중 분석했다 비만 마이너 갤러리. 수다 밥먹을때 혀 마중나오는 사람들 특징. 혀마중이 별일 아니라는 애들은 무식한 부모 밑에서 자란거지.

한국체대 존예 글래머 쌈 마이웨이 이엘리야, 혀 마중 키스로 박서준에게 사과 논란 네이버 블로그 드라마 4,390개의 글 목록열기. 조회 수 샌드위치 구매후 계엄의 필요성을 느낀 디시인jpg 5 첨부파일. 전 사실 밥먹을 때 저먹느라 바빠서 남이 뭘어케 먹는지 몰라요. 흉기 인질극으로 검찰 뚫고 도주한 수배자 경찰 추적 중. 2월 21일 화 사반 가족회의 꼴불견식습관혀마중빌런사건반장.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.