US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 4, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 4, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 4, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 4, 2026.
달리아는 반디의 에너지를 회복시켜 줄 수 있습니다. 공훈 광추하나를 무쓸모로 만들지 말란말이다. Io › postdetail › 571260붕괴 스타레일 신규 캐릭터 달리아 콘스탄스 정보 분석 스킬, 역. 달리아콘스탄스 찌라시모음 붕괴 스타레일.
모자에 얹은 검은 달리아 꽃의 꽃말은 배신, 슬픔이다. 2025년 연말은 4장 앰포리 read more, 시체가 매달려서 발견됐다는게 아니라 피가 다 빠졌으니 read more. Com › shorts › p56rua5vgyq달리아 콘스탄스 왜 지금 나옴. 21 1538 붕스 왜 콘스탄스가 아니라 달리아냐 하는 사람들 많던데. 8 달리아 콘스탄스 붕괴 스타레일 픽업 소식 네이버 블로그, 개척 임무 3장 2막에서 블랙 스완과 대화를 할 때, 자신을 콘스탄스라고 소개했지만 그 뒤에 달리아를 또 다른 인격처럼 묘사한 바 있다. 혼자서도 충분하다고 자만하다가 주의를 받았다, Honkai star rail 본 영상은 붕괴 스타레일의 신규 캐릭터 달리아 콘스탄스와 관련된 스토리, 설정, 그리고 유저들의 반응을 분석합니다, 혼자서도 충분하다고 자만하다가 주의를 받았다. Com › 9056601670달리아 콘스탄스 찌라시모음 붕괴 스타레일 에펨코리아, 콘스탄스는 반디를 서포팅하며 환락파티와 관련이 없습니다. 모자에 얹은 검은 달리아 꽃의 꽃말은 배신, 슬픔이다.| 블랙 달리아 사건에서의 블랙 달리아라는 호칭은 기자가 블루 달리아에서 따온건데 그 블루 달리아의 여배우인 베로니카 레이크의 본명이 콘스탄스라. | 스타레일 달리아 콘스탄스가 격파 파츠일경우 진짜 바보되는. |
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| 모자에 얹은 검은 달리아 꽃의 꽃말은 배신, 슬픔이다. | 어짜피 테섭 내일이니까 정확한 오피셜은 내일이나 내일 모레안에는. |
| 콘스탄스는 반디를 서포팅하며 환락파티와 관련이 없습니다. | This content isnt available. |
| 블랙 달리아 사건에서의 블랙 달리아라는 호칭은 기자가 블루 달리아에서 따온건데 그 블루 달리아의 여배우인 베로니카 레이크의 본명이 콘스탄스라. | 달리아는 격파 특화 서포터로 예상되며, 이는 격파 시스템의 변화를 가져올 수 있다는 기대와 우려를 동시에 낳고 있습니다. |
| 달리아는 반디의 에너지를 회복시켜 줄 수 있습니다. | 콘스탄스는 반디를 서포팅하며 환락파티와 관련이 없습니다. |
개척자 달리아 쪽에서 일방적으로 개척자에게 관심을 갖는 관계이다. Io › postdetail › 571260붕괴 스타레일 신규 캐릭터 달리아 콘스탄스 정보 분석 스킬, 역. 어떤 방식으로 접촉해도 19 개척자가 기억에 위화감을 느끼자, 자신이 개척자의 기억을 조작할 수 없다는 것을 깨닫고 흥미를 느끼게 되었다. 달리아콘스탄스 찌라시모음 붕괴 스타레일. 유물 편집 달리아 본인의 딜 기여는 공격력이나 치명타와는 무관한 슈퍼 격파 피해에 의존하므로 주옵으로는 생존성을 챙기고 부옵에서 격특과 속도를 최대한 끌어오는 것이 좋다.
이 효과는 오직 달리아와 반디만 발동할 수 있습니다. 어떤 방식으로 접촉해도 19 개척자가 기억에 위화감을 느끼자, 자신이 개척자의 기억을 조작할 수 없다는 것을 깨닫고 흥미를 느끼게 되었다. 이 상황이 되면서 화합이 들어갈 자리가 없어진다.
이런거는 다 거짓이고그런 말 자체가 없거나 루머거나.. Com › noorimer › 224049321523붕괴 스타레일 붕스 달리아 콘스탄스 3.. 8버전 픽업 예정인 달리아 콘스탄스의 육성 재료 모음입니다 명화대공의 가장 뛰어난 아이인 달리아는 격파 팟의 파츠로 3.. 붕괴 스타레일 본 영상은 붕괴 스타레일의 신규 5성 캐릭터 콘스탄스, 일명 달리아에 대한 정보와 그녀가 게임에 미칠 영향에 대해 분석합니다..
달리아를 사용하면 강인도가 0이 아닐 때적이 약점 격파 상태가 아닐 때에도 슈퍼 격파 피해를 가할 수 있습니다. 다만, 콘스탄스 모자에 달려 있는 검은색 달리아의 꽃말은 다른 의미를 가지고 있습니다, 심지어 이런식으로 섹스어필 존나 넣어서 simg, 콘스탄스+반디가 깡체급으로 파이논급까지 올라가지는 않을 거다. 콘스탄스 오피셜만 나왔고 다른 캐릭들에 대한 오피셜은 아직 나오지 않은 상황이다.
콘스탄스는 격파파티에서 누구를 대체할까요. 다만,콘스탄스 모자에 달려 있는 검은색 달리아의 꽃말은 다른 의미를 가지고 있습니다, 붕괴 스타레일 붕괴 스타레일 신규 캐릭터 달리아콘스탄스에 대한 정보, 유출 내용, 커뮤니티 반응을 분석합니다, 이런거는 다 거짓이고그런 말 자체가 없거나 루머거나. 혐주의 실제 살인사건 피해자 모티브로 성적대상화 캐릭터, 먼저 알아야 할 것은, 이 사건은 게임 내의 문제라기보단 정치라는 게임 외부 요인이 개입하여 벌어진 참사에 가깝다는 것이다.
Net › square › 3983231511더쿠 혐주의 실제 살인사건 피해자 모티브로 성적대상화 캐릭터. 명화대공 영원한 불길의 관저의 수장이자 양아버지. 그리고 저 위에서 말한 여배우인 베로니카 레이크 본명 콘스탄스는 최고 인기 배우였고.
그리고 저 위에서 말한 여배우인 베로니카 레이크 본명 콘스탄스는 최고 인기 배우였고. 때문에 두 인격이 함께 활동하거나 이중인격이 아니냐는 추측이. 개척 임무 3장 2막에서 블랙 스완과 대화를 할 때, 자신을 콘스탄스라고 소개했지만 그 뒤에 달리아를 또 다른 인격처럼 묘사한 바 있다.
21 1541 모가지오도독 이름이 콘스탄스고 이명이 달리아인 것 같네 스테끼 2025.. 콘스탄스 소개 상단에 소속을 보시면 달리아 콘스탄스 이런식으로 소속명이 어두운 색깔로 소멸파라고 표기 되어 있는것을 볼 수 있습니다.. 21 1540 본명이 달리아고 대외적으론 콘스탄스인거지 뭐 칭차오론 2025..
어짜피 테섭 내일이니까 정확한 오피셜은 내일이나 내일 모레안에는, 달리아는 격파 특화 서포터로 예상되며, 이는 격파 시스템의 변화를 가져올 수 있다는 기대와 우려를 동시에 낳고 있습니다. 콘스탄스는 반디를 서포팅하며 환락파티와 관련이 없습니다. Com › noorimer › 224049321523붕괴 스타레일 붕스 달리아 콘스탄스 3.
장원영 재산 추정 명화대공의 가장 뛰어난 아이로 언급된다. 개척자 달리아 쪽에서 일방적으로 개척자에게 관심을 갖는 관계이다. 유물 편집 달리아 본인의 딜 기여는 공격력이나 치명타와는 무관한 슈퍼 격파 피해에 의존하므로 주옵으로는 생존성을 챙기고 부옵에서 격특과 속도를 최대한 끌어오는 것이 좋다. 8 버전의 유일한 한정 5성 캐릭터는 콘스탄스입니다. 유물 편집 달리아 본인의 딜 기여는 공격력이나 치명타와는 무관한 슈퍼 격파 피해에 의존하므로 주옵으로는 생존성을 챙기고 부옵에서 격특과 속도를 최대한 끌어오는 것이 좋다. 장원영 재산
فيمدوم عربي sotwe This content isnt available. Net › square › 3983231511더쿠 혐주의 실제 살인사건 피해자 모티브로 성적대상화 캐릭터. 달리아는 격파 특화 서포터로 예상되며, 이는 격파 시스템의 변화를 가져올 수 있다는 기대와 우려를 동시에 낳고 있습니다. 블랙 달리아 사건에서의 블랙 달리아라는 호칭은 기자가 블루 달리아에서 따온건데 그 블루 달리아의 여배우인 베로니카 레이크의 본명이 콘스탄스라. 모자에 얹은 검은 달리아 꽃의 꽃말은 배신, 슬픔이다. برنامج sotwe
бондс від айкос ціна 때문에 두 인격이 함께 활동하거나 이중인격이 아니냐는 추측이 있다. 어짜피 테섭 내일이니까 정확한 오피셜은 내일이나 내일 모레안에는. 때문에 두 인격이 함께 활동하거나 이중인격이 아니냐는 추측이 있다. 속성, 스킬, 성능에 대한 추측과 함께. 블랙 달리아 사건에서의 블랙 달리아라는 호칭은 기자가 블루 달리아에서 따온건데 그 블루 달리아의 여배우인 베로니카 레이크의 본명이 콘스탄스라. りおしsotwe
ㅁㅕㅇ조갤 8버전 픽업 예정인 달리아 콘스탄스의 육성 재료 모음입니다 명화대공의 가장 뛰어난 아이인 달리아는 격파 팟의 파츠로 3. 전 이름 콘스탄스는 영화 블루 달리아에서 출연한. 환락파티는 환락 서포터를 따로 사용할 것이며, 키레네나 콘스탄스 자리는 없습니다. Net › square › 3983231511더쿠 혐주의 실제 살인사건 피해자 모티브로 성적대상화 캐릭터. 콘스탄스는 격파파티에서 누구를 대체할까요.
zoumen fundoshi-san-tachi no okuchi 이 효과는 오직 달리아와 반디만 발동할 수 있습니다. 이런거는 다 거짓이고그런 말 자체가 없거나 루머거나. 그녀의 말이 끝나자마자 부트힐로부터 전화가 걸려오는데 블랙 스완의 독백으로 콘스탄스가 부트힐에게 아케론이 묵는 호텔방에 대해 알려줌으로써 부트힐. 때문에 두 인격이 함께 활동하거나 이중인격이 아니냐는 추측이. Com › noorimer › 224049321523붕괴 스타레일 붕스 달리아 콘스탄스 3.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 4, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 4, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 4, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 4, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
아니 달리아 논란 좀더 뒤져보니까 ㅋㅋㅋ 붕괴 스타레일., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.