Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

타겟을 1개월 반동안 미행하여 가족들이 집에 드나드는 시간을 체크한다 2. 복구4k120fps 건방진 여동생은 빈틈투성이. Net283760627 여기 달려가는 얘가 전작에 나왔던 얘임 +셀프오마주. 1985년 12월 9일 도치기현 출신.

Missav Snaptokyo

복구4k120fps 건방진 여동생은 빈틈투성이. 며칠 전 쿠지락스 집에 경찰에 찾아와서 무슨 생각으로 방사능 검침원으로 위장한 성범죄자자 로리를 ㄱㄱ하는 만화를. 이 사람의 동인지와 상업지는 일본에서 구매가 가능하니 일본 여행을 가서 구매하고 스캔을 해서 컴퓨터 안에 저장하면 되요. 오늘은 병맛은 아니고 그냥 음식 만들어 먹은 후기임, 성인만화가 쿠지락스가 6월 15일 트위터에 경찰의 압력에 굴복한 것은 아니다라는 취지의 게시물을 올렸다.

Mizone Hitomi

Jsjcjk漫画描いてます。単行本『ろりとぼくらの。』 同人『がいがぁかうんたぁ』『わんぴいす』『どきどきチケットチャレンジ！』 近況 『歌い手のバラッド』ようやく完結！単行本化に向けて準備中！. 오늘은 병맛은 아니고 그냥 음식 만들어 먹은 후기임, 얘네는 진짜 그 당시에도 벽 느껴졌음 아사나기는 요즘도 활동하는 걸로 아는데 쿠지락스 이 양반은 뭐 하고 사나, 얘네는 진짜 그 당시에도 벽 느껴졌음 아사나기는 요즘도 활동하는 걸로 아는데 쿠지락스 이 양반은 뭐 하고 사나, 개그 요소가 대부분 말장난이다보니 현지화가 굉장히 어려움 2. 로리강간이라는 무시무시한 장르를 주로 취급하는 일본의 에로 만화가.

코믹lo 1월호에서 연재, 상업 연재로는 거의 2년만의 작품. 일본 문화에 관한 블랙 개그가 많이 포함되어 있어서 이것 또한 현지화가 굉장히 어려움 3, 19 073100 프로필펼치기 쿠지락스가 연재한 성인만화 가이거 카운터의 모방범죄가 일어났다 여중생 혼자 있는 집안에 방사능 조사한다고 들어가서 움직이면 죽인다고 협박하고, 우츠노미야 대학 교육학부미술교육 전공를 졸업했다.

Missav 터짐

우츠노미야 대학 교육학부미술교육 전공을 졸업했다.. 4p 정도의 짧은 야한 만화를 그린게 시작이었어요.. 트라우마에 시달리는 어린이의 모습을 이렇게 자세히 보여주는 동인지는 쿠지락스의 동인지뿐일거에요.. 2016년부터 2022년까지 여자 어린이를 성폭행한 범인이 검거되었는데, 확인된 피해자만 10명임 이 일본인의 범행수법은 1..

아시는 분들은 아시는쿠지락스 라는 필명을 사용하는 동인만화가동인이라 하기에는좀 유명하군요 가 트위터에 올린 내용에 의하면 우동선생의 작품이 실린 월간지를 사고 집에와서 읽고 있는데 집의 초인종이 울려 나가니경찰 두명이 있더랍니다 경찰이쿠지락스 선생. Link › index › 쿠지락스쿠지락스 새문위키, 2013년 우타이테 파뇨가 미성년자 상대로 성범죄를 저지른 실제 사건을 바탕으로 하고 있다. 1985년 12월 9일 도치기현 출신.

로리망가 작가 쿠지락스 근황 소녀의 몸을 만져 사이타마 현경에 강제추행혐의로 체포된 남자35가 성인 동인만화를 흉내냈다고 진술했기에 현경이, 아시는 분들은 아시는쿠지락스 라는 필명을 사용하는 동인만화가동인이라 하기에는좀 유명하군요 가 트위터에 올린 내용에 의하면 우동선생의 작품이 실린 월간지를 사고 집에와서 읽고 있는데 집의 초인종이 울려 나가니경찰 두명이 있더랍니다 경찰이쿠지락스 선생. 우츠노미야 대학 교육학부미술교육 전공을 졸업했다.

Miku_cd

그래서 대표 한테 물어봄 왜 기혼자만 뽑았냐고대표는 이렇게 답함 기혼자, 자녀까지 있으면 절대 안 도망간다 퇴사 하더라도 절차 지키면서 퇴사, 이번 쿠지락스 신작 디테일 ce9d3113 2020, 얘네는 진짜 그 당시에도 벽 느껴졌음 아사나기는 요즘도 활동하는 걸로 아는데 쿠지락스 이 양반은 뭐 하고 사나. 요약하면 쿠지락스가 예전에 연재한 로리만화 가이거카운터 모방범죄가 100건이나 있었는데 최근에 크게 1번 터져서 그 모방범죄 집안에서 쿠지락스 작품인 가이거카운터가 있었음 이걸본 경찰은 쿠지락스를 소환 조사함 앞으로 이런거 그리지말라고함. 코믹lo 1월호에서 연재, 상업 연재로는 거의 2년만의 작품.

쌘척하는 메스가키 여동생을 마구 가버리게 하자14, 남성 공포증이었던 내가 av배우가 되기까지의 이야기 보기 클릭그 만화는 왜 av 역사를 바꿀 수 있다고 일컬어지는 것일까 노노하라 나즈나 x 쿠지락스 특별 대담자전적 만화를 그리는 현역 av배우 노노하라 나즈. 참고로 중간중간 나오는 디테일한 내용들을 보면 쿠지락스가 우타이테계를 많이 조사 했음을 알 수 있다. Hours ago — 아사나기, 쿠지락스. 이번 쿠지락스 신작 디테일 ce9d3113 2020.

실재의 인물, 단체, 사건과는 전혀 관계 없. 우츠노미야 대학 교육학부미술교육 전공을 졸업했다. Com 만화 동인지 망가 manhwa manwha 무료만화 만화볼수있는 디시만화 트위터만화 쿠지락스 댓글 인쇄, 이 블로그 댓글몬의 잡다한 것들 카테고리 글 전체글 보기. 남성 공포증이었던 내가 av배우가 되기까지의 이야기 보기 클릭그 만화는 왜 av 역사를 바꿀 수 있다고 일컬어지는 것일까 노노하라 나즈나 x 쿠지락스 특별 대담자전적 만화를 그리는 현역 av배우 노노하라 나즈.

missav nya 19 073100 프로필펼치기 쿠지락스가 연재한 성인만화 가이거 카운터의 모방범죄가 일어났다 여중생 혼자 있는 집안에 방사능 조사한다고 들어가서 움직이면 죽인다고 협박하고. 피부결vs몸매확실히 피부 매끈하면 차밍포인트지. 쿠지락스는 현실을 배경으로 하는 로리강간. Com 만화 동인지 망가 manhwa manwha 무료만화 만화볼수있는 디시만화 트위터만화 쿠지락스 댓글 인쇄. 계층 일본 만화가 쿠지락스 가 겪은 일. nainoi coomer

mlb 갤러리 복구4k120fps 건방진 여동생은 빈틈투성이. 신간 의 매력을 쿠지락스 선생님께 물어보았습니다. 1985년 12월 9일 도치기현 출신. 타겟을 1개월 반동안 미행하여 가족들이 집에 드나드는 시간을 체크한다 2. 유입들이 많아진거 같으니 시즌 6974번째 재공지 주식 채널. myfans pikpak kuzu

missav 카와키타 Link › index › 쿠지락스쿠지락스 새문위키. 우츠노미야 대학 교육학부미술교육 전공를 졸업했다. 로리망가 작가 쿠지락스 근황 소녀의 몸을 만져 사이타마 현경에 강제추행혐의로 체포된 남자35가 성인 동인만화를 흉내냈다고 진술했기에 현경이. 쿠지락스 quzilax クジラックス농쭉전문 음지작가고화풍은씨발 이런 그림체로 에로망가를 그려. 로리망가 작가 쿠지락스 근황 소녀의 몸을 만져 사이타마 현경에 강제추행혐의로 체포된 남자35가 성인 동인만화를 흉내냈다고 진술했기에 현경이. m자 탈모 펌 디시

missav nte Jsjcjk漫画描いてます。単行本『ろりとぼくらの。』 同人『がいがぁかうんたぁ』『わんぴいす』『どきどきチケットチャレンジ！』 近況 『歌い手のバラッド』ようやく完結！単行本化に向けて準備中！. 아시는 분들은 아시는쿠지락스 라는 필명을 사용하는 동인만화가동인이라 하기에는좀 유명하군요 가 트위터에 올린 내용에 의하면 우동선생의 작품이 실린 월간지를 사고 집에와서 읽고 있는데 집의 초인종이 울려 나가니경찰 두명이 있더랍니다 경찰이쿠지락스 선생. 성인만화가 쿠지락스가 6월 15일 트위터에 경찰의 압력에 굴복한 것은 아니다라는 취지의 게시물을 올렸다. 요약하면 쿠지락스가 예전에 연재한 로리만화 가이거카운터 모방범죄가 100건이나 있었는데 최근에 크게 1번 터져서 그 모방범죄 집안에서 쿠지락스 작품인 가이거카운터가 있었음 이걸본 경찰은 쿠지락스를 소환 조사함 앞으로 이런거 그리지말라고함. 쿠지락스クジラックスquzilax 네이버 블로그.

my little sister has become a maid [spiritus tarou] 로리망가 작가 쿠지락스 근황 소녀의 몸을 만져 사이타마 현경에 강제추행혐의로 체포된 남자35가 성인 동인만화를 흉내냈다고 진술했기에 현경이. 시루x 바카x동 애인한테 감금당하고 폭력에 시달릴때 쿠지락스의 만화가 유일한 안식처 였다고 추후에 쿠지락스랑 합동 인터뷰 할때는 만화 스토리에. 4p 정도의 짧은 야한 만화를 그린게 시작이었어요. 위에 요소 때문에 개그 만화인데도 한국인은 개그를 이해. 개그 요소가 대부분 말장난이다보니 현지화가 굉장히 어려움 2.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.