Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Bahasa indonesia 존잘훈남야동모음. 3 보통 초, 중학교에서 비속어 단절 캠페인으로 좆나라고 표현할 경우 어원을 모르는 학생들은 좆나가 아니라 존나인데. 07존잘 @2s4gjbv52y twitter profile. 동인 쪽에선, 중학생 때부터 좋아했던 존잘님.

와타나베 밤비

어떤 커뮤니티에서 요즘 연성은 어디서 보냐고 물어봐 트위터라는 답을 들은 것으로 트위터를 시작했고, 존잘님이 2016년 1월.. 충북보건과학대학교에서 낭만을 즐기는 대학생들의 청춘 이야기 chsu 웹드라마 존잘남을 찾습니다 가 3편으로 돌아왔습니다.. 끝나지 않는 우리 이야기가 네 귓가에 잠기도록 600화를 기념하여 본 트윗을 rt+ read more..

요르 포저 영어

Soop, 유튜브 에서 방송을 하는 fc 온라인 인터넷 방송인이다. 존잘은 현대 한국어에서 자주 사용되는 신조어로, 주로 잘생긴 사람을 지칭하는 데 사용됩니다. 존잘의 의미 존잘은 존나 잘생겼다의 줄임말로, 주로 잘생긴 사람을 지칭하는 데. 우리가 잘생겼다고, 예쁘다고 생각했던 스타들도 알고 보면 자신의 외모에 썩 만족하지 못한다고 해, 1 여성에게 쓰이는 표현인 존예존나 예쁘다, 반의어인 존못존나 못생겼다, 이외 자주 사용되는 표현인 졸귀졸라 귀엽다도 있다. 존잘의 뜻존잘은 엄청나게 잘생긴 사람을 뜻하는 신조어로, 주로 남성에게 많이 사용되지만.

요즘 sns 채널이나 일상 대화에서 아주 자주 들리는 단어 중 하나가 바로 ‘존잘’입니다, 수려하고 섬세한 그림체를 가지신 분임. 근데 이게 비속어로써 사용이 되는 경우도 있다고 하는데, 제가 제 주위에서 느껴보면 비속어가 아니고 엄청 이쁘고 잘 생긴 사람이 지나가면 친구들끼리 존예 존잘 이렇게 한 번씩 얘기를 하고는 합니다, 일반인들은 주로 존나 못생겼다의 의미로 사용하지만 후술할 존나 못한다로 써도 통한다. See tweets, replies, photos and videos from @lucifermale twitter profile.

오리재이 팬트리 영상

우리 클럽의 유석이라는 친구는 남들이 모두 공인하는 존잘이다. 07훈 265개영상 구매문의 dm 고딩한테 능욕 당할사람 ㄷㅇ 교환 안해요. Lucky_6110 twitter profile.

그렇다면 ‘존잘’이란 무엇인지, 그리고 이를 어떻게 활용할 수 있는지 알아보도록. 우리 클럽의 유석이라는 친구는 남들이 모두 공인하는 존잘이다. ⏳d101 파란 가을 하늘에 구름까지 정말 예쁜 날인데 울 강아지 뭐하면서 보냈을까.

오사카 핀 사로 한국인 디시

Wecw6ad4ds profile image. 상세 주로 아침에 방송하며 시간대는 낮. Com › questions › 3717821what is the meaning of 존잘, 반댓말로는 잘생기거나 예쁜 외모를 지칭하는 존잘, 존예가 있다, 충북보건과학대학교에서 낭만을 즐기는 대학생들의 청춘 이야기 chsu 웹드라마 존잘남을 찾습니다 가 3편으로 돌아왔습니다, 그렇다면 ‘존잘’이란 무엇인지, 그리고 이를 어떻게 활용할 수 있는지 알아보도록.

요리미치 야스 이 존나라는 말의 의미는 남성의 성기가 튀어나 올 정도로인데 즉 다시말해서 사용상황을 가려서 사용해야하는. 트윗존잘 twitter hashtag. 1234 남 03년80년남자마감, 동반환영 여 06년80년 야단라 read more. 다들 우리 존잘님이 그려주신 샤네루를 봐줘여ㅠㅠㅠ 갬동이야ㅠㅠㅠ 트친복지 넝수 조아여ㅠㅠ 감사합니댱️ 동물커미션 존잘님. 트윗존잘 twitter hashtag. 올평 모음

오지망 Soop, 유튜브 에서 방송을 하는 fc 온라인 인터넷 방송인이다. 존잘존예 twitter hashtag. 응그래즐 @148274s twitter profile. 존잘왕자 @2340o twitter profile. Wecw6ad4ds profile image. 오버니삭스 디시

왕가슴 여동생 충북보건과학대학교에서 낭만을 즐기는 대학생들의 청춘 이야기 chsu 웹드라마 존잘남을 찾습니다 가 3편으로 돌아왔습니다. Question about korean. 이 존나라는 말의 의미는 남성의 성기가 튀어나 올 정도로인데 즉 다시말해서 사용상황을 가려서 사용해야하는. 우리 클럽의 유석이라는 친구는 남들이 모두 공인하는 존잘이다. 1234 남 03년80년남자마감, 동반환영 여 06년80년 야단라 read more. 요미센 구독 디시

요가누드 Question about korean. 이 존나라는 말의 의미는 남성의 성기가 튀어나 올 정도로인데 즉 다시말해서 사용상황을 가려서 사용해야하는. 근데 이게 비속어로써 사용이 되는 경우도 있다고 하는데, 제가 제 주위에서 느껴보면 비속어가 아니고 엄청 이쁘고 잘 생긴 사람이 지나가면 친구들끼리 존예 존잘 이렇게 한 번씩 얘기를 하고는 합니다. 우리가 잘생겼다고, 예쁘다고 생각했던 스타들도 알고 보면 자신의 외모에 썩 만족하지 못한다고 해. 일반인들은 주로 존나 못생겼다의 의미로 사용하지만 후술할 존나 못한다로 써도 통한다.

오키타 안리 Bahasa indonesia 존잘훈남야동모음. 반댓말로는 잘생기거나 예쁜 외모를 지칭하는 존잘, 존예가 있다. 존나 잘생겼다의 준말, 존나 잘한다의 준말. 많은 사람들이 ‘존잘’을 사용하면서 그 뜻이나 유래를 궁금해 하기도 합니다. 존잘존예 twitter hashtag.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.