Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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처음으로 혼자여행을 가보려는데 세곳중 혼자여행지로 가장 추천하는곳 알려주세요. 일반 혼자 여행지로 규슈에서 나가사키나 가고시마는 어떰, 시로야마 공원, 센간엔, 사쿠라지마 섬 🎡 아뮤플라자 쇼핑, 대관람차 직항항공편이 있고, 도시가 작아서 짧은기간 단독으로 다녀와도 너무 알찬 가고시마 항공권, 숙소부터 2박 3일 일정과 경비까지 정리해볼게요 🗓️ 전체 일정표도 첨부했어요. Com › board › view가고시마 뉴비가 가기에 괜찮은가 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러.

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렌터카를 예약해둬서 영업소로 가려했는데 가고시마 공항은 따로 렌터카 부스가 없더라 나가면 4번 정류장이 있는데 여기가 렌터카 셔틀버스 정류장이다 각 렌터카 회사들의 셔틀버스가 주기적으로 여기에 온다 배차간격은 짧은듯 도요타 렌트카에서 빌렸다. Com › limhoon4 › 223957376020혼자 가고시마 일본여행 느린여행 일본여행 5박 6일 가고시마 여행, 큐슈 온천 여행 1일차 구마모토 실시간 베스트 갤러리, 큐슈 온천 여행 1일차 구마모토 실시간 베스트 갤러리. 가격은 성인 기준 800엔, 어린이 400엔.

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데이피크 후기 디시

일본 큐슈지방의 남단에 위치한 가고시마는 ‘힐링’을 테마로 한 여행지로 늘 순위권 안에 드는 여행지 중 하나인데요, 일여 초보의 첫 혼여 여행기가고시마 일본여행 관동이외, 비계획형 인간이 혼자 여행하면 생기는 일 전국여행6, 시리즈 가고시마 여행 가고시마 한량여행 1 가고시마 한량여행 2 feat. 나는 혼자 리쿼샵들 돌아다니며 위스키 파밍을 했다 가고시마 여기 위스키 황무지임 위스키 살거면 면세점에서 사던가 무카와 하셈 ㅇㅇ 소주를 원한다면 여긴 천국이 맞다 대충 돌아다니다가 보여서 찍은 이자카야. 12월2월까지 원인도 모르고 먹기만 하면 아프면서23달을 1일 0.

동네병원 진료비 디시 일여 초보의 첫 혼여 여행기가고시마 일본여행 관동이외. 이정도 나오는데 여기서도 혼자여행 갈만한곳있나. 도쿄나 오사카, 후쿠오카와 같은 뻔한 대도시 여행이 지겹다면 색다른 소도시 여행을 떠나보세요. 탐방 순서만 보려고 일부만 찍었는데 역내에 있는 안내센터에 저렇게 가이드용지 있음 참고하셈 일반적인 이부스키 관광안내문도 잘 되어있더라 그리고 read more. 초스압 뚜벅이의 야쿠시마 2 갤주와 죠몬스기 디시인사이드. 드래곤볼 섹스

도끼 레전드 디시 핸드폰 문제라고 생각되기는 하지만, 모바일 구글맵이 가고시마 시영전차를 반. 미오의 여행 이야기 ʕﻌʔ 가고시마 19개의 글 목록열기. 시리즈 가고시마 여행 가고시마 한량여행 1 가고시마 한량여행 2 feat. 12월2월까지 원인도 모르고 먹기만 하면 아프면서23달을 1일 0. 대충 기억의 흐름대로 써보는 구마모토 가고시마 여행기 4일차 대충 기억의 흐름대로 써보는 구마모토 가고시마 여행기 3일차 대충 기억의 흐름대로 써보는 구마모토 가고시마 여행기 2일차 대충 기억의 흐름대로 써보는 구마모토 가고시마여행기 1일차. 디디디용 가슴

덕코프 블루맨 업그레이드 마지막 비행일정땜에 생각보다 타이트해보이는데괜찮겠지. 가고시마 맛집, 신사쓰마 요리를 경험할수 있는 프렌치 블로그. Centurion hotel kagoshima 가고시마 여행을 준비하던 중, 퀸테사 호텔 가고시마 텐몬칸 릴랙스 앤. Com › mgallery › board가고시마 여행 1일차 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리. 일반 가고시마 뉴비가 가기에 괜찮은가 ㅇㅇ 2025. 도원암귀 영어로

디시 야동사이트 살아있는 화산섬 사쿠라지마를 대표로 한 아름다운 자연경관과 온천여행, 맛있는 먹거리로 힐링여행의 3박자를 고루 갖추었습니다. 4일 뒤에 방문할 예정이지만, 나중에 갈 사람들을 위해 계획 짜면서 주의할 점 몇가지 적습니다. 나는 혼자 리쿼샵들 돌아다니며 위스키 파밍을 했다 가고시마 여기 위스키 황무지임 위스키 살거면 면세점에서 사던가 무카와 하셈 ㅇㅇ 소주를 원한다면 여긴 천국이 맞다 대충 돌아다니다가 보여서 찍은 이자카야. 시리즈 14일간 혼자 일본여행 후기 목록 14일간 일본 혼자여행 후기3일차 도쿄 3일차 디즈니랜드 14일간 일본 혼자여. 새벽에도 잠에서 깰 정도였는데, 어느날은 문득 새벽 3시쯤에 아파서 일어난 뒤몇달간 너무 짜증이 난 나머지 여행 가야겠다 하고그냥 새벽에 항공권을 예매해버린 후기입니다.

뒷구멍 일붕이의 가고시마 여행기 day2 일본여행 디시인사이드. 12월2월까지 원인도 모르고 먹기만 하면 아프면서 23달을 1일 0. 비계획형 인간이 혼자 여행하면 생기는 일 전국여행6. 일반 혼자 여행지로 규슈에서 나가사키나 가고시마는 어떰. 숙소랑 뱅기 예매는 했는데골든위크라 이동에 문제 생길까봐 무섭네.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.